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Illustrated Topics 



FOR 



Ancient History 

ARRANGED BY 

DANIEL C. KNOWLTON, Ph. D. 






PUBLISHED BY 

McKINLEY PUBLISHING COMPANY 

PHILADELPHIA, PA. 



Copyrighr, 1913, by McKinley Publishiog Co. 



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DEC 30 1913 



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McKinley's Illustrated Topics lor Ancient History. 



Topic A 1. History and the Beginnings of Civilization. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. History. 

a) Definition. 

b) Subdivisions. 

2. Antiquity of man. 

3. Great bequests of prcliistoric man. 

a) Use of fire. 

b) Domestication of plants and aiiimak. 

c) Use of written language. 

4. Races of men and their distribution. 

a) Classificatioii by color. 

b) Classification by language. 

c) The historic races. 

5. Relation of geography to history. 

a) Area, 

b) Temperature, 

c) Rainfall and 

d) Land configuration (mountains, ))lains, coast- 

line, etc.), as factors in shaping the history 
of countries and peoples. 

e) Earliest centers of civilization. 

1) Nile and Tigris-Euphrates river valleys. 

2) Mediterranean basin. 

S) Geographic conditions as an explanation 
of the beginnings of history in 1 ) 
and 2). 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 1-2; Botsford, Ancient 
World, Sees. 1-10; Goodspecd, Sees. 1-Ja; Jlorey, Ancient, 
pp. 7-2-2; Mvers, Ancient, Sees. 1-19; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 
1-13, 15, «^4; West, Ancient, Sees. 1-10, 12, 15, 38; Wes- 
terniann. Sees. 1-5, 34; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 1-12; Bots- 
ford, Greece, pp. Ixii-Ixiii; Morev, Greece, pp. 11-19; West, 
Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 1-1," 6-9, 34-35. 

Collateral Reading. — Myres, Dawn of History, pp. 7-44; 
Seignobos, ch. 1-3; Tozer, Classical Geography, ch. 1-4. 

Additional Reading. — Anderson, Extinct Civilizations, ch. 1 ; 
Boughton, .\ncient Peoples, Part I, ch. 1-2; George, Relations 
of Geographv and Historv, ch. 1-2, 20; I.enormant and 
Chevallier, History of East, Vol. I, pp. 24-78; Verschoyle, 
Ancient Civilization, ch. 1. 

SUGGESTIONS. 
(1) Note as a result of the study of the definition of his- 
tory: its relation to the prehistoric period; (2) tlie time in- 
volved in tlie historic period; (3) the debt owed to prehistoric 
man; (4) the parts of the human race concerned; and (5) the 
small area of the earth's surface involved, in the beginnings 
of history. 

SOURCE-STUDY. 

WHAT IS HISTORY? 

The following selections from the leading historians of the 
ancient world throw some light upon the way history was 
looked upon in their day. It should be noted that each writes 
with a clearly defined purpose in mind. Are their purposes 
the same as those of the modern historian? 

HERODOTUS. (460 B. C.-124[.?] B. C.) 
These are the researches of Herodotus of Halicarnas- 
sus, which he publishes, in the hope of thereb}' preserv- 
ing from decay the remembrance of what men have 
done, and of preventing the great and wonderful actions 
of the Greeks and the Barbarians from losing their due 
need of glory; and, withal, to jjut on record what were 
their grounds of feud. — 1. Introduction, trans. Rawlin- 



THUCYDIDES. (470 B. C.-398 B. C.) 
Of the events of the war I have not ventured to speak 
from any chance information, nor according to any 
notion of my own; I have described nothing but what 
I either saw myself, or learned from others of whom I 
made the most careful and j^articular inquiry. The 



task was a laborious one, because eye-witnesses of the 
.same occurrences gave different accounts of tliem, as 
tliey remembered or were interested in the actions of 
one side or the other. And very likely tlie strictly liis- 
lorical character of my narrative may be disaijpointini; 
to tlie car. But if he wjio desires to have before his eyes 
a true picture of the events wiiicli have happened, and 
of the like events which may be expected to happen 
hereafter in the order of human things, shall pronounce 
what I have written to be useful, then I sliall be satis- 
fied. iSIy history is an everlasting possession, not a 
])rize composition whicli is heard and forgotten. — Trans. 
Jowett, I., Ch. 22. 

POLYBIUS. (201-122[r] B. C.) 
For as a living creature is rendered wholly useless 
if deprived of its eyes, so if you take truth from His- 
tory, what is left is but an idle unprofitable talc. 
Therefore, one must not shrink from blaming one's 
friends or praising one's cr>eniies; nor be afraid of find- 
ing fault with and commending the same persons at 
different times. For it is impossible that men engaged 
in public affairs should always be right, and unlikely 
that they sliould always be wrong. Holding ourselves, 
tiierefore, entirely aloof from the actors, we must as 
historians make statements and pronounce judgment in 
accordance with the actions themselves. — Trans. 
Schuckburgh I., Ch. 14. 

LIVY. (;-)<) B. C.-17 A. D.) 
I would have every man apply his mind seriously to 
consider these points, viz.: Wiiat their life and what 
their manners were; through what men and by what 
measures, both in peace and war, their empire was 
acquired and extended; then as disci])linc gradually di- 
clined, let him follow in his thoughts their morals, at 
first as slightly giving way, anon how they sunk more 
and more, then began to fall headlong, until he reaches 
the present times, when we can neither endure our vici's, 
nor their remedies. This it is which is particularly 
salutary and profitable in the study of history, that you 
behold instances of every variety of conduct displayed 
on a conspicuous monument; that from thence you may 
select for yourself and your country that which you 
may imitate; thence note what is shameful in the under- 
taking, and shameful in the result, which you may avoid. 
— Introduction, trans. Bolin. 

TACITUS. (54 A. D.-117 A. D.) 
. . . The memorable transactions of the old re])ublic, 
as well in her day of adversity, as in the tide of success. 
have been recorded by writers of splendid genius. 
Even in the time of Augu.stus there flourished a race of 
authors, from whose abilities that period might have 
received ample justice, but the spirit of adulation grow- 
ing epidemic, the dignity of the historic character was 
lost. What has been transmitted to us concerning 
Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero, cannot be re- 
ceived without great mistrust. During the lives of those 
emperors, fear suppressed or disfigured the truth ; and 
after their deaths, recent feelings gave an edge to resent- 
ment. For this reason, it is my intention shortly to 
state some particulars relating to Augustus, chiefly 
towards the close of his life; and thence to follow down- 
ward the thread of my narration through the reigns of 
Tiberius and his three immediate successors, free from 
animosity and partial affection, with the candour of a 
man who has no motives, either of love or hatred, to 
warp his integritv. — Annals, trans. Murphy, Bk. I., 
Ch. 1. 



Copyright. 19!3. McKinley Publishing Co., Philadelphia. Pa. 






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THE HISTORIC RACES. 




1. Head of Eg^'ptian King, Seti I. photoaraph of Mummy. Copyright. L ndenvood & L ndenvood N ^ . 

2. Assurnazirpal Assyrian King. From Tslab in British Museum. 3. Bust of Pencles. i Bust of Ju ms Ca> ar^ 
Suggestive Questions; How closelv do these tvpes resemble the n,en of the present? The people of the leadmg nations 

of todly? Which, if any. of these faces call to mind the modern business man. the professional man, the s.holar? Ho« . 
Which of these types is most common today? 



Copyrighl. 1913. McKJnIey Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa, 



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McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 

PREHISTORIC MAN. 



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in Spain. 

SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS. 

What animals were apparently known to man before the dawn of history? Have any of these disappeared since? 
What do these pictures tell us with reference to man's antiqiiitj-? His domestication of animals? 



McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Topic A 2. The Nile Valley and its Gifts to Civilization. 



state — Conquests of 18th 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

The overflow of the Nile. 

Antiquity of the Egyptian civilization and its chief 

centers. 
Extent of the Egyptian 
and 19th dynasties. 
4. The people: their strong and weak points. 

a) Class divisions. 

b) Form of government. 

c) Religion. 
-5. Contributions to progress. 

•a) In the industrial and fine arts, 
b) In science and mathematics, 
vc) In writing and literature. 



REFERENCES. 

Textbooks. — Botsford, yVncient, Sees. 3-liJ; Botsford, An- 
cient World, ch. 2; Goodspeed, Sees. G-9, 18-47; Morey, An- 
cient, pp. 27-39; Myers, Ancient, Sees. 20-45; Webster, Ancient, 
Sees. 15-17, 26-32," 35-41; West, Ancient, Sees. 11-12, ch. 2; 
Westermann, Ancient, ch. 1-2; Wolfson, Ancient, ch. 2; Bots- 
ford, Greece, pp. xv-xxxii; Morev, Greece, pp. 45-56; West, 
Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 5-6," 8-33. 

Collateral Reading. — Maspero, Ancient Egj'pt and Assyria, 
ch. 1-10; My res. Dawn of History, ch. 3; Seignobos, ch. 3. 

-Additional Reading. — Anderson, Extinct Civilizations, ch. 3; 
Baikie, Story of the Pharaohs; Boughton, Ancient Peoples, 
Part III, ch. 2; Breasted, Egypt; Cunningham, Western Civili- 
zation, Vol. I, Book I, ch. 1; Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt; 
Grote, Vol. IV, ch. 20; Lenormant and Chevallier, Histor}' of 
East, Vol. I, pp. 192-337; Maspero, Egypt; Ancient Sites and 
Modern Scenes; Murison, Eg}'pt; Rawlinson, Ancient Egypt; 
Sayce, Ancient Empires of East, ch. 1; Souttar, Egypt; 
Verschoyle, Ancient Civilization, ch. 2; Wilkinson, Ancient 
IEg}-ptians. 

Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 2 ; Davis, Greece, ch. 1 ; Web- 
ster, No. 1; Wright, pp. 297-313. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

Note the fact that Egypt is "the gift of the Nile"; the 
tremendous influence of religion on Egyptian life and achieve- 
ments; and Egypt's services as the preserver of civilization for 
later peoples. 

SOURCE MATERIAL. 

THE EGYPTIAN RELIGION AND MORALS. 

The influence of religion upon Egyptian life and culture 
makes it one of the most important subjects of study. The 
introduction to the Book of the Dead brings out clearly the 
so-called Negative Confession which the deceased was obliged 
to make in the presence of the "Two and Forty Assessors of 
tlie Dead" before the heart was weighed in the presence of the 
god Osiris. The extract from the Book of the Breaths of Life 
points clearly to a resurrection of the body. The precepts of 
"the Egyption nobleman, Ptah-Hotep, remind the reader of the 
Book of Proverbs or Ecclesiastes. The scribe Ani writes in a 
similar strain. The final selection emphasizes the importance 
for the Egyptian in this life of preparing for the life to come. 



Introduction to the Book of the Dead. 

Homage to thee, O Great God, thou Lord of double 
Maati, I have come to thee, O my Lord, and I have 
brought myself hither that I may behold thy beauties. 
I know thee, and I know thy name, and I know the 
names of the two and forty gods who exist in this 
Hall of the double Maati, who live as warders of sin- 
ners and who feed upon their blood, on the day when 
the lives of men are taken into account in the presence 
of the god Unnefer; in truth, "Twin-sisters with two 
eyes, ladies of double Maati," is th}' name. In truth, 
I have come to thee, and I have brought ^laat (Right- 
eousness) to thee, and I have destroyed Wickedness for 
thee, I have not done evil to mankind. 



I have not oppressed the members of my family, I 
have not wrought evil in place of right and truth. I 
have had no knowledge of worthless men. I liave not 
wrought evil. I have not made to be the first con- 
sideration of each day, that excessive labor should be 
performed for me. I have not brought forward my 
name for exaltation to honors. I have not ill-treated 
servants. I have not thought scorn of God. I have 
not defrauded the o])pressed one of his propertv. I have 
not done that which is an abomination unto the gods. 
I have not caused harm to be done to the servant by his 
chief. I have not caused pain. I have made no man 
to suffer hunger. I have made no one to weep. I have 
done no murder, I have not given the order for mur- 
der to be done for me. I have not inflicted )),iin ui)on 
mankind. I have not defrauded the temples of tiicir 
oblations. I have not carried off the cakes offered to 
the Khu's. I have not committed fornication. I have 
not polluted mj'self in the holy places of tlie god of 
my city, nor diminished the bushel. I have neitlier 
added to nor filched away land. I have not encroached 
upon the fields of others. I have not added to the 
weights of the scales. I have not mis-read the pointer 
of the scales. I have not carried away the milk from 
the mouths of children. I have not driven away the 
cattle wliich were upon their pastures. I liave not 
snared the feathered fowl of the preserves of the 
gods. I have not cauglit fish with bait made of 
fish of their kind. I have not turned back the water 
at the time when it should flow. I have not cut a cut- 
ting in a canal of running water. I have not extin- 
guished a fire when it should burn. I have not violated 
the times of offering tlie chosen meat offerings. I have 
not driven off the cattle from tlie property of the gods. 
I have not repulsed God in his manifestations. I am 
pure, I am pure, I am pure, I am pure. 

Homage to you, O ye gods, who dwell in the Hall of 
double Maati, who are without evil in j'our bodies, and 
who live upon right and truth in the presence of the 
god Horus, who dwelleth in his divine Disk: deliver me 
from the god Baba, who feedeth upon the entrails of 
the mighty ones upon the day of the great judgment. 

grant ye that I may come to you, for I have not 
committed faults, I have not sinned, I have not done 
evil, I have not borne false witness ; therefore let noth- 
ing evil be done unto me. I live upon right and truth, 

1 feed upon right and truth. I have performed the 
commandments of men as well as the things whereat the 
gods are gratified, I have made the god to be at peace 
with me by doing that which is his will. I have given 
bread to the hungry man, and water to the thirst}' man, 
and apparel to the naked man, and a boat to tlie ship- 
wrecked mariner. I have made holy offerings to the 
gods, and sepulchral meals to the Khu's. Be ye then 
my deliverers, be ye then my protectors, and make ye 
not accusation against me in the presence of the great 
god. I am clean of mouth and clean of hands ; there- 
fore let it be said unto me by those who shall behold 
me, "Come in peace; come in peace." — Papyrus of Nu, 
quoted by Myer, Oldest Books in the World, pp. 375- 
376, 377-378. 

From the Book of the Bre.i.ths of Life. 

Hail to thee, . . . [name of the deceased] ! 

Thine individuality is permanent. 

Thy body is durable. 

Thy mummy doth germinate. 

(Continued on Page 4.) 



Copyright. 1913. McKinley PuWishUiJ Co.. Philadelphia. Pa, 



McKinley's Series of Geographical and Historical Outline Maps. No. 53, Egypt. 




Copyright, I903, The McKinley Fublishins Co., Philadelphia, Pa. 



Map Work for Topic A 2. 



Show on the map the chief cities, cataracts and greatest extent of ancient Egypt. 

References: Dow, Plate I; Labberton, Plates I, II, IV; Putzger, p. 2b; Sanborn, p. 22; Shepherd, p. 4; Botsford, Ancient, 
p. 3; Botsford, Ancient World, p. 10; Goodspeed, Ancient, pp. 3, 60; Morey, Ancient, p. 20; Myers, Ancient, p. 20; Webster, 
Ancient, p. 39; West, Ancient, pp. 12, 16; Westermann, p. 23; Wolfson, p. 24; Botsford, Greece p. XVII; Morey, Greece, 
p 46; West, Ancient World, Part I, p. 16. 






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McKinley's Illustrated Topics (or Ancient History. 



SOURCE MATERIAL.— Continued. 

Thou art not repulsed from heaven, neither from earth. 

Thou dost breathe for ever and ever. 

Thy flesh is on thy bones, 

Like unto thy form on earth. 

Thou dost drink, thou eatest with thy mouth. 

Thou reeeivest bread with the souls of the gods. 

Thy soul doth breathe for ever and ever. 

O ye gods that dwell in the Lower Heaven 

Hearken unto the voice of . . . !* 

He is near unto you. 

There is no fault in him. He liveth in the truth. 

Let him enter then into the Lower Heaven ! 

He hath received the Book of the Breaths of Life, 

That he may breathe with his soul. 

And that he may make any transformation at will; 

That his soul may go wherever it desireth. 

Living on the earth for ever and ever. — De Horrack. 



Precepts From the Book of Ptah-Hotep. 

He says to his son: Be not haughty because of thy 
knowledge; converse thou with the ignorant as with the 
scholar; for the barriers of art are never closed, no 
artist ever possessing that perfection to which he should 
aspire. But wisdom is more difficult to find than the 
emerald, because as to the latter, it is by slaves that it 
is discovered among the rocks of pegmatite. 

If thou hast to do with a disputer whilst he is in his 
heat and he is thy superior in ability, lower the hands, 
bend the back, do not get into a passion with him. As 
he will not permit thee to destroy his speech; it is a 
great error to interrupt him, that proclaims, that thou 
art not capable of being tranquil when contradicted. . . . 

If thou hast, in the position of a leader, power to 
decide upon the condition of a large number of men, 
seek the most perfect way of doing so, so that thy own 
position as to it may be without condemnation. Justice 
is great, unchangeable and assured, it has not been dis- 
turbed since the epoch of Osiris. . . . 

If thou, art an agriculturist, gather the harvest in the 
field which the great God hath given thee. Do not 
fill thy mouth at the home of thy neighbors, it is better 
to make thyself feared by the possessor. . . . 

Be active during the time of thy existence, doing 
more than is commanded thee. Do not do wrong in 
the time of thy activity, he is a blame-worthy person 
who makes bad use of his time. Lose not the daily 
opportunity of increasing what thy house possesses. Ac- 
tivity produces riches and wealth does not continue 
when activity is relaxed. 

If thou art a wise man, train up a son who will be 
pleasing to God. . . . 

Be not of an irritable temper, as to what is happen- 
ing around thee; scold only as to thine own affairs. Be 
not of an irritable temper towards thy neighbors ; of 
better value is a compliment for what displeases thee 
than rudeness. . . . 

If thou art wise watch thy house, love thy wife with 
purity. Fill her stomach with food, clothe her back; 
these are the cares to be bestowed on her body. Caress 
her and fulfill her wishes during the time of thy exist- 
ence ; it is a well-doing which does honor to its pos- 



sessor. Be not brutal, tact will influence her better 
than force; . . . 

If thou art a wise man, sitting in the Council of thy 
lord, direct thy thoughts towards what is wise. Impose 
silence upon thyself rather than pour out th}^ words. 
When thou speakest, know what they (thy opponents) 
can object against thee. It is an art to speak in the 
Council. . . . 

If thou art great after having been low, thou art 
rich after having been poor, when thou art at the head 
of the city, thou shouldst know, not to take advantage 
of the fact of having reached to the first rank; harden 
not thy heart because of thy elevation ; thou art become 
the overseer of the blessings of God. Put not behind 
thee the neighbor who is thy fellow-creature; be to him 
as a companion. 

Bend thy back before thy superior. Thou art at- 
tached to the palace of the king; thy house is estab- 
lished in its fortune, and thy profits are as is fitting. 

When a son receives the instruction of his father, 
there is not any error in all his plans. Instruct in them 
thy son, a docile man whose wisdom may be agreeable 
to the great. . . . On the morrow knowledge will sus- 
tain him, whilst the ignorant will be crushed. . . . 

A son who hears is like a follower of Horus, he is 
happy after having listened. He becomes great, he 
attains consideration; he teaches the same lesson to his 
children. . . . 

As to thy thoughts, be abundant, but let thy mouth 
be restrained, and thou shalt argue with the great. — 
Myer, Oldest Books in the World, pp. 68-96. 



Papyrus op the Scribe Ani. 

Do not get drunk in the taverns in which they drink 
beer, for fear that one repeats words which may have 
gone out of thy mouth, without thou having perception 
of having pronounced them. Thou fallest, thy members 
are broken and no one extends a hand to thee ; but thy 
drinking companions are there, who say, "Put out that 
drunkard !" One comes to seek thee for thy aifairs and 
he finds thee wallowing on the earth as the little children. 

Place before thyself as an aim, the attainment of an 
old age, as to which people may be able to bear witness, 
to the end thou may be found having perfected thy 
house (the tomb) which is in the funeral valley, on the 
morning of the concealment of thy body. Place this 
before thyself in all the duties which thou hast to con- 
sider with thy eye. When thou wilt be also a very old 
man, thou wilt sleep in the midst of them; therein is 
no surprise for the one who acts well, he is prepared ; 
act so that when thy messenger of death shall come 
for thee in order to take thee, he may find one who is 
ready. Certainly thou wilt not then have time to speak, 
because in coming, he is suddenly before thee. Say 
not: "I am a young man; wilt thou seize me?" for thou 
knowest not the time of th}^ death. Death comes, he 
seizes the nursling who is in the arms of his mother, as 
well as he who has reached old age. Behold: I have 
said to thee these excellent things which (thou ought) 
to consider in thy heart; do them; thou wilt become a 
good man and all evils will be far from thee. — Myer, 
Oldest Books in the World, pp. 132-133. 



*Name of the deceased. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics tor Ancient History. 



Topic A 3. The Tigris-Euphrates Valley and Its Successive Empires. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. The river valley: its characteristics and its influence 

on civilization. 

2. The Old Babylonian Empire (the Chaldeans), 5000- 

1300 B. C. 

a) Extent of early Empire. 

b) Chief cities. 

3. The Assyrian Empire, c. 1300-606 B. C. 

a) Its beginnings. 

b) The great conquerors and their possessions 

(First World Empire). 

c) Chief cities. 

4. The New Babylonian Empire, 606-538 B. C. 

a) Its relation to the earlier empires. 

b) Its influence on progress. 

5. Babylonian-Assyrian civilization. 

a) Elements contributed by early Babjdonians 

(Chaldeans). 

1) Religion. 

2) Art — temple building. 

3) Writing and literature. 

4) Science and mathematics. 

5) Laws. 

b) Government and the army. 

c) Sculpture and architecture. 

d) Strong and weak jDoints of their civilization. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 14-21; Botsford, An- 
cient World, ch. 3; Goodspeed, Sees. lO-S-l, 63-73; Morey, 
Ancient, pp. 21-27, 51-60; Mvers, Ancient, ch. 4-6; Webster, 
Ancient, Sees. 14, 21-22, 26-31, 34-41; West, Ancient, ch. 3; 
Westerniann, Ancient, Sees. 34-47, 73-85; Wolfson, Ancient, 
ch. 3; Botsford, Greece, pp. xxxii-xlvi; Morev, Greece, pp. 
32-44; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 34-53. 

Collateral Reading. — Maspero, Ancient Egj'pt and Assyria, 
ch. 11-20; Myrcs, Dawn of History, ch. 4-6; Sayce, Baby- 
lonians and Assyrians; Seignobos, ch. 4. 

Additional Reading. — Anderson, Extinct Civilizations, ch. 2; 
Boughton, Ancient Peoples, Part IV, ch. 4; Goodspeed, Baby- 
lonians and Assyrians; Grote, Vol. IV, ch. 19; Lenormant and 
Chevallier, History of East, Vol. I, pp. 338-508; Murison, 
Babylonia and Assyria; Ragozin, Story of Assyria; Ragozin, 
Story of Chaldaea, Ragozin, Story of Media, Babylon and 
Persia; Sayce, Ancient Empires of East, ch. 2; Smith, As- 
syria; Smith, Babylonia; Souttar, Babylonia and Assyria; 
Verschoyle, Ancient Civilization, ch. 3. 

Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 3; Davis, Greece, ch. 2; Web- 
ster, No. 2; Wright, pp. 293-295. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

(1-4) Note especially the differences between the upper and 
lower valley with its influence on the people (highlanders and 
lowlanders) ; the succession of empires; their chief centers and 
extent. 

(5) Note the foundations for the later civilization laid by 
the early Babylonians or Chaldaeans, "the scholars" of the 
valley; and the great conquests and contributions to govern- 
ment of the Assyrians, "the warriors" of the valley. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

THE CODE OF HAMMURABI AND THE 

CHALDAEAN ACCOUNT OF THE 

DELUGE. 

The people of the Tigris Euphrates valley were noted for 
their development of law and government. The code which 
follows is very modern in many particulars. In places it 
suggests the Mosaic code of "an eye for an eye," and "a tooth 
for a tooth," The Chaldcean account of the Flood should be 



compared with that to be found in the Old Testament (Genesis, 
ch. VI-VIII). These extracts illustrate the possil)le influence 
of the Chaldaeans upon the life and literature of the Hebrews. 

If a man bring an accusation against a man and 
charge him with a (capital) crime, but cannot prove it, 
he, the accuser, shall be put to death. 

If a man in a case (pending judgment) bear false 
witness, or do not establish the testimony he has given, 
if that case be a case involving life, that man shall be 
put to death. 

If a man steal the profserty of a god or palace, that 
man shall be put to death; and he who receives from 
his hand the stolen (property) shall also be put to 
death. 

If a man aid a male or female slave of a freeman to 
escape from the city gate, he shall be put to death. 

If a man practice brigandage and be captured, that 
man shall be put to death. 

If the brigand be not captured, the man who has 
been robbed, shall in the presence of the god make an 
itemized statement of his loss, and the city and the 
governor, in whose province and jurisdiction the rob- 
ber}' was committed, shall compensate him for whatever 
was lost. 

If a man be in debt and sell his wife, son, or daughter, 
or bind them over to service, for three years they shall 
work in the house of their purchaser or master ; in the 
fourth year they shall be given their freedom. 

If a woman bate her husband and saj': "Thou shall 
not have me," they shall inquire into her antecedents 
for her defects ; and if she have been a careful mis- 
tress and be without reproach and her husband have 
been going about greatly belittling her, that woman 
has no blame. She shall receive her dowry and shall 
go to her father's house. 

If she have not been a careful mistress, have gadded 
about and have belittled her husband, they shall throw 
that woman into the water. 

If a son strike his father, thej' shall cut off his fingers. 

If a man destroy the eye of another man, they sliall 
destroy his eye. 

If one break a man's bone, they shall break his bone. 

If a man knock out a tooth of a man of his own 
rank, they shall knock out his tooth. 

If a physician operate on a man for a severe wound 
(or make a severe wound upon a man) with a bronze 
lancet and save the man's life; or if he open an abscess 
(in the eye) of a man with a bronze lancet and save 
that man's eye, he shall receive ten shekels of silver 
(as his fee). 

If a physician operate on a man for a severe wound 
with a bronze lancet and cause the man's death; or 
open an abscess (in the eye) of a man with a bronze 
lancet and destroy the man's eye, they shall cut off his 
fingers. 

If a builder build a house for a man and do not make 
its construction firm, and the house which he has built 
collapse and cause the death of the owner of the house 
that builder shall be put to death. 

If a man's bull have been wont to gore and they 
have made known to him his habit of goring, and he 
have not protected his horns or have not tied him up, and 
that bull gore the son of a man and bring about his 
death, he shall pay one-half mana of silver. — Code of 
Hammurabi, King of Babylon, 2250 B. C, trans. Harper. 

(Continued on Page 4.) 



Copyright, 1913, McKinley Publishing Co., Philadelphia. Pa. 



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McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. 

CHALDAEAN ACCOUNT OF THE DELUGE. 

Nuh-napishtim saith to hiirij even to Gilgamesh: 
Let me unfold to thee, Gilgamesh, a secret story. 
And the decree of the gods let me tell thee ! 
Shurippak, a city thou knowest, — 
On the banks of the Euphrates it lieth; 
That city was full of violence, and the gods within it — 
To make a flood their heart urged them, even the mighty 
gods. 



"Man of Shurippak, son of Ubara-Tutu, 

Pull down the house, and build a ship ! 

Leave goods, seek life ! 

Property forsake, and life preserve ! 

Cause seed of life of every sort to go up into the ship ! 

The ship which thou shalt build. 

Exact be its dimensions. 

Equal be its breadth and its length ! 

On the ocean launch it !" 

I understood, and said unto la my lord ; 

"The command, my lord, which thou spakest thus, 

I honour, I will do [it] !" 

* * * * ** * * 

With all that I had of seed of life of every sort [I 
freighted it] ; 

I put on board all my family and my clan; 

Cattle of the field, wild beasts of the field, all the crafts- 
men, I put on board. 

One day the southern blast . . . 

Hard it blew, and . . . 

Like a battle-charge upon mankind rush [the waters]. 

One no longer sees another ; 

No more are men discerned in (described from) heaven. 

During six days and nights 

Wind, flood, storm, ever more fiercely whelmed the land. 

When the seventh day came, storm (and) flood ceased 
the battle. 

Wherein they had contended like a host: 

The sea lulled, the blast fell, the flood ceased. 

I looked for the people [udma], with a cry of lamenta- 
tion; 

But all mankind had turned again to clay: 

The tilled land was become like the waste. 

I opened the window, and daylight fell upon my cheeks ; 

Crouching I sit (and) weep; 

Over my cheeks course my tears. 

I looked at the quarters (of heaven), the borders of the 
sea; 

Toward the twelfth point rose the land. 

To the country of Nizir the ship made way; 

The mountain of the country of Nizir caught the ship, 
and suffered it not to stir. 

But, when the seventh day was come, 

I brought out a dove (and) let it go. 

The dove went to and fro, but 

Found no foothold (lit. standing-place), and returned. 

Then I brought out a swallow (and) let it go. 

The swallow went to and fro, but 

Found no foothold, and returned. 

Then I brought out a raven (and) let it go: 



The raven went off, noticed the drying of the water, and 

Feeding, wading, croaking, returned not. 

Then I brought out (everything) to the four winds, 

offered victims. 
Made an offering of incense on the mountain top; 
Seven and seven tripods I set. 
Into their bowls I poured calamus, cedar, fragrant 

herbs ; 
The gods snuffed the odour, 
The gods snuffed the pleasant odour. 
The gods like flies swarmed above the sacrificer. 
But when Ishtar was come from afar, 
She lifted up the Great Gems (.''), which Anu had made 

to adorn her. 
"These gods," (she cried) "by mine azure collar (lit. by 

the lapis lazuli of my neck), I will never forget! 
These days will I bear in mind, and nevermore forget! 
Let the gods go to the incense-offering: 
(But) let Bel never go to the incense-offering! 
Forasmuch as he took no counsel, but caused the flood. 
And delivered my people to destruction." 
But when Bel was come from afar. 
He saw the ship, and Bel waxed wrathful; 
He was filled with rage at the gods, (and) the Igigi 

(i. e. the spirits of heaven) : 
"Some soul" (he cried) "hath escaped! 
Let not a man survive the destruction !" 
Ninib frameth his mouth and speaketh — 
He saith to the warrior Bel : 
"Who then but la doeth the thing.'' 
la is versed in every wile." 
la frameth his mouth and speaketh — 
He saith to the warrior Bel: 
"Thou, O sage of the gods (and) warrior — 
In nowise hast thou been well-counselled in causing a 

flood! 
On the sinner lay his sin ! 
On the guilty lay his guilt! 

(But) remit (somewhat)! let him not be cut off! for- 
bear ! let him not [be swept away] ! 
Instead of thy causing a flood. 
Let the lion come and minish mankind ! 
Instead of thy causing a flood. 
Let the Leopard come and minish mankind ! 
Instead of thy causing a flood. 
Let famine break out and [desolate] the land ! 
Instead of thy causing a flood. 
Let pestilence (lit. Girra; i. e. the god of plague) come 

and slay mankind ! 
I divulged not the decision of the mighty gods ; 
(Someone) caused Atranasis to see visions, and so he 

heard the decision of the gods." 
Thereupon he took counsel with himself (or made up 

his mind) ; 
Bel came on board the ship, 

Seized my hand and led me up (out of the ship). 
Let up my wife (and) made her kneel beside me; 
He turned us face to face, and standing between us 

blessed us (saying) : 
"Ere this, Nuh-napishtim was human; 
But now Niih-napishtim and his wife shall be like us 

gods ! 
Nlih-napishtim shall dwell far away (from men), at the 

mouth of the rivers !" 
Then they took me, and made me dwell far away, at 

the mouth of the rivers. — Trans, by Paul Haupt. 

f 



McKioley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Topic A 4. The Early Peoples of the Mediterranean Basin. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. The Phoenicians. 

a) Chief cities. 

b) Native and foreign articles of trade. 

c) Sea and overland routes. 

d) Contributions to civilization. 

1) The alphabet. 

2) Art of navigation. 

e) Influence on the spread of civilization through 

commerce and colonization — chief colonies. 

2. The Hebrews. 

a) Their wanderings and the influence of these on 

their religious development. 

b) The means by which they preserved their re- 

ligious ideas. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 22-25; Botsford, An- 
cient World, ch. 4; Goodspeed, Sees. 48-61, 67; Morey, An- 
cient, ch. 3; Mvers, Ancient, ch. 7-8; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 
18-20, 32-33, 36-37, 41; West, Ancient, ch. 4; Westermann, 
Ancient, ch. 5; Wolfson, Ancient, ch. 4; Botsford, Greece, pp. 
lii-lviii; Morev, Greece, pp. 56-65; West, Ancient World, 
Part I, Sees. 54-68. 

Collateral Reading. — Hosnier, Jews; Myres, Dawn of His- 
tory, ch. 7; Seignobos, ch. 7-8. 

Additional Reading. — Anderson, Extinct Civilizations, ch. 4; 
Boughton, Ancient Peoples, Part IV, ch. 2-3; Cunningham, 
Western Civilization, Vol. I, Book I, ch. 2-3; Grote, Vol. IV, 
ch. 18, 21; Kent, Hebrew People; I.enormant and Chevallier, 
History of East, Vol. I, pp. 79-191, Vol. II, pp. 143-234; 
Ottley, History of the Hebrews; Sayce, Ancient Empires of the 
East, ch. 3; Souttar, The Hebrews and Phosnicia; Verschoyle, 
Ancient Civilization, ch. 4-5. 

Source Book. — Botsford, ch. 4. 

SUGGESTIOXS. 

(1) Note the influence of their country on the Phoenicians 
in promoting sea-faring and commerce; its favorable location 
as the link between the earliest centers of civilization; and the 
wide range of their trading operations with the consequent 
spread of their civilization. 

(3) Note the peculiar service rendered by the Hebrews; the 
debt which they owed to their neighbors; and the way their 
beliefs were handed down to later peoples. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

PHOENICIAN AND CARTHAGINIAN TRADING 
OPERATIONS. 

The selection from the Old Testament describes in great 
detail the articles exchanged and the localities visited by these 
early traders. It also illustrates the value of the historical 
portions of the Old Testament as source material. The voyage 
of Hanno indicates the extent to which their trading operations 
were carried, contributing much to our knowledge of geography, 
and resulting often in the colonization of the uncivilized por- 
tions of the ancient world. Their methods of dealing with their 
savage customers is described by Herodotus. The love of gain 
often worked injury to the people concerned as Polybius brings 
out in his contrast of the Romans and Carthaginians. 

And say unto Tyrus, O thou that art situate at the 
entry of the sea, which art a merchant of the people for 
many isles. Thus saith the Lord God ; O Tyrus, thou 
hast said, I am of perfect beauty. 

Th}^ borders are in the midst of the seas, thy builders 
have perfected thy beauty. 

They have made all thy ship boards of fir trees of 
Senir: they have taken cedars from Lebanon to make 
masts for thee. 

Of the oaks of Bashan have they made thine oars ; 
the company of the Ashurites have made thy benches 
of ivory; brought out of the isles of Chittim. 



Fine linen with broidercd work from Egypt was 
that which thou spreadest forth to be thy sail; blue 
and purple from the isles of Elishah was that which 
covered thee. 

The inhabitants of Zidon and Arvad were thy mari- 
ners: thy wise men, O Tyrus, that were in thee, were 
thy pilots. 

The ancients of Gebal and the wise men thereof were 
in thee thy calkers : all the ships of the sea witli their 
mariners were in thee to occupy thy merchandise. 

They of Persia and of Lud and of Pluit were in 
thine army, thy men of war: they hanged the shield and 
Iielmet in thee ; they set forth thy comeliness. 

The men of Arvad with thine army were upon tliv 
walls round about, and the Gammadim were in tliy 
towers: they hanged their shields upon thy walls round 
about ; they have made thy beauty perfect. 

Tarshish was thy merchant by reason of the multi- 
tude of all kind of riches ; with silver, iron, tin, and 
lead, they traded in thy fairs. 

Javan, Tubal, and Mesheeh, they were thy mercliants: 
they traded the persons of men and vessels of brass in 
th}' market. 

They of the house of Togarmah traded in thy fairs 
with horses and horsemen and mules. 

The men of Dedan were thy merchants ; many isles 
were the merchandise of thine hand: they brougiit thee 
for a present, horns of ivory and ebony. 

Sj'ria was thy merchant by reason of the multitude of 
the wares of thy making: they occupied in thy fairs 
with emeralds, pur])le, and broidercd work, and fine 
linen, and coral, and agate. 

Judah, and the land of Israel, they were thy mer- 
chants: they traded in thy market wheat of Minnith, 
and Pannag, and honey, and oil, and balm. 

Damascus was thy merchant in the multitude of the 
wares of thy making, for the multitude of all riches ; 
in the wine of Helbon, and white wool. 

Dan also and Javan going to and fro occupied in 
thy fairs: bright iron, cassia, and calamus, were in thy 
market. 

Dedan was thy merchant in precious clothes for 
chariots. 

Arabia, and all the princes of Kedar, they occupied 
with thee in lambs, and rams, and goats: in these were 
they thy merchants. 

The merchants of Sheba and Raamah, they were thy 
merchants: they occupied in thy fairs with chief of 
all spices, and with all precious stones, and gold. 

Haran, and Canneh, and Eden, the merchants of 
Sheba, Asshur, and Chilmad, were thy merchants. 

These were thy merchants in all sorts of things, in 
blue clothes, and broidercd work, and in chests of rich 
apparel, bound with cords, and made of cedar, among 
thy merchandise. 

The ships of Tarshish did sing of thee in thy market: 
and thou wast replenished, and made very glorious in 
the midst of the seas. 

Thy rowers have brought thee into great waters: the 
east wind hath broken thee in the midst of the seas. 

Thy riches, and thy fairs, thy merchandise, thy mari- 
ners, and thy pilots, thy calkers, and the occupiers of 
thy merchandise, and all thy men of war, that are in 
thee, and in all thy company which is in the midst of 
thee, shall fall into the midst of the seas in the day of 
thy ruin.— Ezekiel, 27:3-27. 

(Continued on Page 4.) 



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SOURCE-STUDY- Continued. 

AN EARLY VOYAGE OF TRADE AND EXPLORA- 
TION BY HANNO THE CARTHAGINIAN.* 

It was decreed by the Carthaginians that Hanno 
should sail beyond the Pillars of Hercules and found 
cities of the Liby-Phenicians. Accordingly he sailed 
with sixty ships of fifty oars each, and a multitude of 
men and women to the number of thirty thousand, and 
provisions and other equipment. 

When we had set sail and passed the Pillars, after 
two days' voyage, we founded the first city. . . . Be- 
low this city lay a great plain. Sailing thence west- 
ward we came to Soloeis, a promontory of Libya, thickly 
covered with trees. Here we built a temple to Poseidon ; 
and proceeded thence half-a-day's journey eastward, 
till we reached a lake lying not far from the sea, and 
filled with abundance of great reeds. Here were feed- 
ing elephants and a great number of other wild animals. 

After we had gone a day's sail beyond the lakes we 
founded cities near to the sea. . . . Sailing thence we 
came to Lixus, a great river which flows from Libya. 
On its banks the Lixitae, a wandering tribe, were feed- 
ing their flocks. With these we made friendship, and 
remained among them certain days. Beyond these dwell 
the Inhospitable Aethiopians, inhabiting a country that 
abounds with wild beasts and is divided by high moun- 
tains, from which mountains flows, it is said, the river 
Lixus. About these mountains dwell the Troglodytae, 
men of strange aspect. Of these the Lixitae said that 
they could run swifter than horses. Having procured 
interpreters ... we coasted for two days along an un- 
inhabited country, going southwards. . . . Sailing up a 
great river which is called Chretes, we came to a lake, 
in which are three islands. . . . Proceeding thence a 
day's sail, we came to the furthest shore of the lake. 
Here it is overhung by great mountains, in which dwell 
savage men clothed with the skins of beasts. These 
drove us away, pelting us with stones, so that we 
could not land. Sailing thence, we came to another 
river, great and broad, and full of crocodiles and river- 
horses. . . . Having sailed by streams of fire, we came 
to a bay which is called the Southern Horn. At the 
end of this bay lay an island like to that which has 
been bef ore described. This island had a lake, and in 

*"He is .supposed to have been either the father or the son 
of the Hamilcar, who fell at Himera."— Church, Carth- 
age, p. 95. 



this lake another island, full of savage people, of whom 
the greater part were women. Their bodies were cov- 
ered with hair, and our interpreters called them Gorillas. 
We pursued them, but the men we were not able to 
catch; for being able to climb the precipices and defend- 
ing themselves with stones, these all escaped. But we 
caught three women. But when these, biting and tear- 
ing those that led them, would not follow us, we slew 
them, and flaying off their skins, carried these to Carth- 
age. Further we did not sail, for our food failed us. — 
Church, Carthage, pp. 95-100; Lenormant and Cheval- 
lier. Ancient History of the East, II., pp. 263-269. 

METHODS OF BARTER. 

The Carthaginians say also this, namely that there is 
a place in Libya and men dwelling there, outside the 
Pillars of Heracles, to whom when they have come and 
have taken the merchandise forth from their ships, they 
set it in order along the beach and embark again in 
their ships, and after that they raise a smoke; and the 
natives of the country seeing the smoke come to the sea, 
and then they lay down gold as an equivalent for the 
merchandise and retire to a distance away from the 
merchandise. The Carthaginians upon that disembark 
and examine it, and if the gold is in their opinion suf- 
ficient for the value of the merchandise, they take it up 
and go their way; but if not, they embark again and sit 
there; and the others approach and straightway add 
more gold to the former, until they satisfy them: and 
they say that neither party wrongs the other ; for neither 
do the Carthaginians lay hands on the gold until it is 
made equal to the value of their merchandise, nor do 
the others lay hands on the merchandise until the Carth- 
aginians have taken the gold. — Herodotus, trans. Mac- 
aulay, IV., Ch. 196. 

INFLUENCE OF TRADE ON THE PEOPLE. 

In the view of the latter [Carthaginians] nothing is 
disgraceful that makes for gain; with the former [Ro- 
mans] nothing is more disgraceful than to receive bribes 
and to make profit by improper means. For they re- 
gard wealth obtained from unlawful transactions to be 
as much a subject of reproach, as a fair profit from 
the most unquestioned source is of commendation. A 
proof of the fact is this. The Carthaginians obtain 
office by open bribery, but among the Romans the 
penalty for it is death. — Polybius, trans. Schuckburgh, 
VI., Ch. 56. 



McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Topic A 5. 



The Beginnings of the Greeks and Their Expansion 
throughout the Mediterranean. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. The land. 

a) Location and size (Hellas and the larger Greek 

world). 

b) Climate. 

c) Significant geographical features and their ef- 

fect upon the people. 

2. The people and their earlj' history. 

a) Sources for our knowledge of early Greek his- 

tory. 

1 ) The Homeric poems and the work of Dr. 

Schliemann. 

2) Greek accounts of their earliest history 

and their rel)abilitJ^ 

b) The earliest inhabitants ("Pclasgians"). 

1 ) Origin and settlements. 

2) Characteristics of their civilization. 

c) Conquest of Greece by the Hellenes. 

1) Early migrations. 

2) Divisions (Achseans, lonians, Dorians, 

Aeolians) : Characteristics and dis- 
tribution throughout the Hellenic 
World. 

3) Influence of the East on the Hellenes. 

4) Government, religion and mode of life as 

portrayed by Homer. 

3. Greek colonization, 750-600 B. C. 

a) Causes and relation of colony to mother city. 

b) Location and effect on life. 

4. The Age of T.yrants, 650-500 B. C. 

a) Methods by which established. 

b) Important centers of tyrannies. 

c) Character of rule of tyrants and importance of 

period. 

5. The predominance of individual cities: Argos; 

Sparta ; Athens. 

a) The characteristics of the city-state. 

b) Argos, the earliest center of power. 

c) Sparta, the Dorian city-state. 

1) Lycurgus and his reforms. 

2) Characteristic features of the Spartan 

state. 

3) Spartan conquests and military prestige. 

d) Athens, the Ionian city-state. 

1) The beginnings of Athens, — stories of 

Cecrops and Theseus. 

2) Codrus and the decline of the monarchy. 

3) The Archons, Areopagus and Ecclesia. 

4) Reforms of Draco, 621 B. C. 

5) Solon and the Athenian aristocracy, 594 

B. C. 

6) Pisistratus and thetyranny, 560-510 B. C. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 33-95; Botsford, An- 
cient World, oh. 6-13; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 85-163; 
Morey, Ancient, ch. 6-10; Myers, Ancient, eli. 11-17; Webster, 
Ancient, Sees. 44-48, 5:3-69; West, Ancient, Sees. 80-139; Wes- 
termann. Ancient, ch. 7-11; Wolfson, Ancient, ch. 5-7; Botsford, 
Greece, ch. 1-5; Morey, Greece, ch. 5-1-3; Jlyers, Greece, ch. 1-7; 
Smith. Greece, ch. 1-6; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 
8i!-158. 

Collateral Reading. — Abbott, Pericles, ch. 1; Benjamin, 
Troy; Bury, ch. 1-5; Grant, ch. 2-4; Harrison, ch. 1-22;' Kim- 
ball-Bury, ch. 1-6; Myres, Dawn of History, ch. 8-9; Oman, 
ch. 1-12, 16; Plutarch, Lives of Theseus, Lycurgus, Solon; 
Schuckburgh, ch. 1-5; Scbnckluirgh, Greece to A. D. 14, ch. 2; 
Seignobos, ch. 9-11, pp. 13S-140. 



Additional Reading.— Abbott, Greece, Part I, eh, 1-15; All- 
croft and Stout, Early Grecian History, ch. 1-15; Baikie, Sea 
Kings of Crete; Cunningham, Western Civilization, Vol. I, 
Book 11, ch. 1-2; Curtius, Vol. I, Books I-II; Dickinson, 
Greek View of Life, ch. 1-2; Felton, Greece, Vol. H, pp. 3-110; 
Gow, pp. 90-99, 137-146; Grote, \o\. I, Vol. II, Vol. Ill, Vol. 
IV, ch. 22-28, 30-31; Hawcs and Hawes, Crete, Forerunner 
of Greece; Holm, Vol. I, ch. 1-22, 26-38; Mahaffy, Greek 
Civilization, eh. 1-3; Mahaffy, Problems in Greek " History, 
ch. 2-4; Perry, Women of Homer; Schliemann, Ilios; Tima- 
yenis. Vol. I, pp. 1-110; Verschovle, Ancient Civilization, ch. 
7-8; Whibley, Greek Studies, ch. 1-2, 5, pp. 41-61, 89-98, 346- 
357, 369-374; 422-426; Zimmern, Greek Commonwealth. 

Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 7-13; Davis, Greece, ch. 4-5; 
Fling, ch. 1-4; Webster, ch. 3-6; Wright, pp. 1-45. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

(1) Note by name all the geographic factors which favored 
or retarded the development of the Greeks. 

(2-4) Compare the various sources available for the study 
of early Greece as to what they tell us and their value; note 
the periods involved and the contrasts presented by the Myce- 
naean and Homeric periods; the movements characteristic of 
all Greece, as the coming of the Hellenes, their expansion, and 
the rise of tyrannies. 

(5) Note the peculiar development of portions of Greece 
through the city-state; the beginnings and contrasts pre- 
sented by the two leading city-states, Sparta and Athens. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

SIMPLICITY OF LIFE IN EARLY GREECE. 

The extracts from Hesiod and Homer show that the so-called 
Homeric Age was in direct contrast to the luxurious Mycenaean 
period. A metrical translation by Chapman has been inserted 
in its proper place to show the poetic character of Hesiod's 
Works and Days. Daniel Webster was very fond of quoting 
from the homely wisdom of Hesiod to those of his friends 
who were engaged in farming. Homer is describing the shield 
of Acliilles as it was fashioned by Hephasstos the Fire God. 

Get a house first and a woman and a plowing ox ; 
and get all gear arraj-ed within the house, lest thou 
beg of another and he deny thee and thou go lacking, 
and the season pass bj' and thy work be minislied. 
Neither put off till the morrow nor the day after. The 
idle man filleth not his barn, neither he that puttctli 
off. Diligence prospereth work, but the man that put- 
teth off ever wrestleth with ruin. 

And bring thou home a plowbeam, when thou findest 
it by search on hill or in field — of holm oak: for this 
is the strongest to plow with, when Athena's servant 
fasteneth it in tlie share-beam and fixeth it with dowels 
to the pole. Get thee two plows, fashioning them at 
home, one of the natural wood, the otlier jointed, since 
it is far better to do so. Hence, if thou break the one, 
thou canst yoke the oxen to the other. Freest of worms 
are jjoles of bay or elm. Get thee then share-beam of 
oak, plow-beam of holm, and two oxen of nine years. 
For the strength of such is not weak in the fulness of 
their age ; they are best for work. They will not quarrel 
in the furrow and break the plow, and leave their work 
undone. And with them let a man of forty follow, his 
dinner a loaf of four quarters, eight pieces, who will 
mind his work and drive a straight furrow, no more 
gaping after his fellows, but having his heart on his 
task. Than he no younger man is better at sowing. 
For the mind of a younger man is fluttered after his 
age-fellows. . . . And let a young slave follow behind 
with a mattock and cause trouble to the birds by cover- 
ing up the seed. . . . 

But pass by the smith's forge and the crowded club- 
house in the winter season when cold constraineth men 



(Continued on Page 4.) 



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1. Making offerings to the dead, decoration of a Cretan sarcophadus. 2. The snake goddess from Knossus. 
fresco from Tiryns. From reproductions in the Metropolitan Museum, New York. 

SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS. 

What was apparently the method of disposing of the dead? What are the offering-bearers carrying? How are the ladies dressed? 
figures.) Are these types Oriental or European ? Describe the chariot. Do these scenes call to mind any people of the East ? 

Copyright. 1913. McKinley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. 



3. Ladies in chariot watching a boar hunt. 



The men? (the black 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. 

from work, wherein a diligent man would greatly pros- 
per his house, lest the helplessness of evil winter over- 
take thee with poverty, and thou press a swollen foot 
with lean hand. But the idle man who waiteth on 
empty hope, for lack of livelihood garnereth many sor- 
rows for his soul. Hope is a poor companion for a 
man in need, who sitteth in a clubhouse when he hath 
no livelihood secured. Nay, declare thou to thy thralls 
while it is still midsummer: It will not be summer 
always; build ye cabins. ... 

In that season (winter) do thou for the defence of 
thy body array thee as I bid thee in soft cloak and 
full-length tunic, and twine much woof in a scanty 
warp. . . . About thy feet bind fitting sandals of the 
hide of a slaughtered ox, covering them with felt. And 
when the frost cometh in its season, sew thou together 
with thread of ox-thong the skins of firstling kids to 
put about thy back as a shield against the rain. And 
on thy head wear thou a cap of wrought felt, that thou 
mayest not have thy ears wetted. For chill is the dawn 
at the onset of Boreas. 

But so soon as the strength of Orion appeareth, urge 
thy thralls to thresh the holy grain of Demeter in a 
windy place and on a rounded floor; measure and store 
it in vessels ; and when thou hast laid up all thy liveli- 
hood within thy house: 

Make then thy man-swain one that hath no house; 
Thy handmaid one that hath nor child nor spouse; 
Handmaids that children have are ravenous. 
A mastiff, likewise nourish still at home, 
Whose teeth are sharp and close as any comb. 
And meat him will, to keep with stronger guard 
The day-sleep-night-wake-man from forth thy yard. 
The rosy-fingered morn the vintage calls ; 
Then bear the gathered grapes within thy walls. 
Ten days and nights exposed the clusters lay. 
Basked in the radiance of each mellowing day. 
Let five their circling round successive run. 
While lie the grapes o'ershadowed from the sun ; 
The sixth express the harvest of the vine. 
And teach the vats to foam with joy-inspiring wine. 
— Hesiod, Works and Days, trans. Elton and Chapman. 

THE SHIELD OF ACHILLES. 

Also he fashioned therein two fair cities of mortal 
men. In the one were espousals and marriage feasts, 
and beneath the blaze of torches they were leading the 
brides from their chambers through the city, and loud 
arose the bridal song. And young men were whirling 
in the dance, and among them flutes and viols sounded 
high; and the women standing each at her door were 
marveling. But the folk were gathered in the assembly 
place ; for there a strife had arisen, two men striving 
about the blood-price of a man slain. The one claimed 
to pay full atonement, expounding to the people, but the 
other denied him and would take nought. . . . And the 
folk were cheering both, and they took part on either 
side. And heralds kept order among the folk, while 
the elders on polished stones were sitting in the sacred 
circle, and holding in their hands staves from the loud- 
voiced heralds. Then before the people they rose up 
and gave judgment each in turn. And in the midst 
lay two talents of gold, to be given unto him who should 
plead among them most righteously. 



But around the other city were two armies in siege 
with glittering arms. And two counsels found favor 
among them, either to sack the town or to share all 
with the townsfolk even whatsoever substance the fair 
city held within. But the besieged were not yet yielding, 
but arming for an ambushment. On the wall there stood 
to guard it their dear wives and infant children, and 
with these the old men; but the rest went forth. Their 
leaders were Ares and Pallas Athena, both wrought in 
gold and golden was the vesture they had on. Goodly 
and great were they in their armour, even as gods, far 
seen around, and the people at their feet were smaller. 

Furthermore, he set in the shield a soft fresh-plowed 
field, rich tilth and wide, the third time plowed; and 
many plowers therein drave their yokes to and fro as 
they wheeled about. Whensoever they came to the 
boundary of the field and turned, then would a man 
come to each and give into liis hands a goblet of sweet 
wine, while others would be turning back along the 
furrows, fain to reach the boundary of the deep tilth. 
And the field grew black behind and seemed as it were 
a-plowing, albeit of gold, for this was the great marvel 
of the work. 

Furthermore he set therein the demesne-land of a 
king, where hinds were reaping with sharp sickles in 
their hands. Some armfuls along the swathe were 
falling in rows to the earth, whilst others the sheaf- 
binders were binding in twisted bands of straw Three 
sheaf-binders stood over them, while behind boys gather- 
ing corn and bearing it in their arms gave it constantly 
to the binders; and among them the king in silence was 
standing at the swathe with his staff, rejoicing in his 
heart. And henchmen apart beneath an oak were mak- 
ing ready a feast, and preparing a great ox they had 
sacrificed; while the women were strewing much white 
barley to be a supper for the hinds. 

Also he set therein a vineyard teeming plenteously 
with clusters, wrought fair in gold ; black were the 
grapes, but the vines hung throughout on silver poles. 
And around it he ran a ditch of cyanus, and round that 
a fence of tin ; and one single pathway led to it, whereby 
the vintagers might go when they should gather the 
vintage. And maidens and striplings in childish glee 
bare the sweet fruit in plaited baskets. And in the 
midst of them a boy made pleasant music on a clear- 
toned viol, and sang thereto a sweet Linos-song with 
delicate voice; while the rest with feet falling together 
kept time with the music and song. 

Also he wrought therein a herd of kine with upright 
horns, and the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, and 
with lowing they hurried from the byre to pasture be- 
side a murmuring river, beside the waving reed. And 
herdsmen of gold were following with the kine, four 
of them, and nine dogs fleet of foot came after them. 
But two terrible lions among the foremost kine had 
seized a loud-roaring bull that bellowed mightily as 
they haled him, and the dogs and the young men sped 
after him. The lions rending the great bull's hide were 
devouring his vitals and his black blood ; while the 
herdsmen in vain tarred on their fleet dogs to set on, 
for they shrank from biting the lions, but stood hard 
by and barked and swerved away. 

Also the glorious lame god wrought therein a jiasture 
in a fair glen, a great pasture of white sheep, and a 
steading, and roofed Inits, and folds. — Homer, Iliad, 
trans. Lang, XVIII. 



McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Topic A 6. The Foes of the Greeks in the East and the West. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. Rise of the Medo-Persian Power. 

a) Cyrus the Great and his conquests. 

b) Organization and unification of the Persian Em- 

pire, by Darius. 

c) Characteristics of Persian civilization. 

1 ) Religion. 

2) Government. 

3) Architecture. 

2. The grovrth of the Carthaginian power in the Western 

Mediterranean. 

a) Decline of the Phoenician power. 

b) Extent of the Carthaginian possessions in the 

West. 

c) Aims and ideals of the Carthaginian state. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 2G-29, 99-101; Botsford, 
Ancient World, Sees. 60-69; Goodspeed, Sees. 7T-84, 164; 
Morey, Ancient, Sees. 89-91; Myers, Ancient, eh. 9; Webster, 
Ancient, Sees. 23-25, 70-71; West, Ancient, Sees. 68-77, 217; 
Westcrmann, pp. 72-75; Wolf son. Ancient, Sees. 89-92; Bots- 
ford, Greece, pp. xlvii-lii, 136-138; Morey, Greece, pp. 65-67, 
168-173; Myers, Greece, eh. 8; West, Ancient World, Part I, 
eh. 5. 

Collateral Reading. — Allcroft & Masom, Sicily, eh. 1; Buiy, 
pp. 219-211; Church, Carthage, pp. 3-18, 95-125; Cox, Greeks 
and Persians, eh. 1-3; Harrison, eh. 21; Kimball-Bury, pp. 
119-126; Oman, ch. 1-1; Schnckburgh, eh. 6; Seignobos, pp. 
6-1-75, 78-80; Smith, B., Rome and Carthage, eh. 1. 

Additional Reading. — Benjamin, 1 ersia, ch. 1-7; Clarke, Ten 
Great Religions, Vol. I, eh. f; Curtius, Vol. II, pp. 112-193; 
Grote, Vol. Ill, eh. 21, Vol. IV, ch. 32-34; Grundy, Persian 
War, pp. 33-34, 40-44, 49-50; Lenormant and Chevallier, An- 
cient History of the East, Vol. II, Book V, eh. 2-6, Book VI, 
ch. 5-6; Ragozin, Media, Babylon and Persia, eh. 10-15; Sayce, 
Ancient Empires of the East, p-). -234-250; Tiraayenis, Vol. I, 
pp. 125-131. 

Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 5; Davis, Greece, ch. 3; Fling, 
pp. 98-99; Webster, ch. 2; Wright, pp. 295-296. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

(1) Note the work of conquest and the organization of 
the Persian Empire by Cyrus the Great and Darius; and the 
contrast presented by Persian civilization when compared with 
Greek, particularly as to religion and government. 

(2) Note the aims of Carthage; the extent of her colonies, 
particularly their location with reference to the Greeks; and 
the essentially Eastern character of her civilization. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

THE PERSIAN RELIGION. 

SELECTIONS FROM THE ZEND AVESTA. 

The religion of the Persians was in direct contrast with that 
of the Greeks, laj'ing as it did special emphasis upon the moral 
qualities and considerably reducing tlie number of gods. Their 
beliefs and their idea of wrong-doing are brought out clearly 
in the extract from their Bible, the Zend-Avesta. Herodotus 
describes their religious ceremonies, contrasting these with those 
of his own nation. The first object sought by the worshipper 
was purity. This often meant simply physical cleansing by 
which the demon was expelled. Elaborate rites and cere- 
monies were required to cleanse them from the contamination 
which came from touching the dead or dead matter. Note the 
requirements for the disposal of such dead matter as the hair 
and nails. The Greek historian, Plutarch, presents the Persian 
idea of the presence of either good or evil in everything, and 
describes the struggle between the two which was ultimately 
to result in the superiority of Ahriman, the god of light and 
goodness. 

In the beginning, the two heavenly Ones spoke — the 
Good to the Evil — thus: "Our souls, doctrines, words, 
works, do not unite together." . . . 



I enter on the shining way to Paradise ; may the fear- 
ful terror of hell not overcome me! May I step over 
the bridge Chinevat, may I attain Paradise, with much 
perfume, and all enjoyments, and all brightness. 

Praise to the Overseer, the Lord, wlio rewards those 
who accomplish good deeds according to his own wisli, 
purifies at last the obedient, and at last purifies even the 
wicked one of hell. AU praise be to the creator, Or- 
mazd, the all-wise, mighty, rich in might. . . . 

I praise all good thoughts, words, and works, through 
thought, word, and deed. I curse all evil thouglits, 
words, and works away from thought, word, and deed. 
I lay hold on all good thoughts, words, and works, with 
thoughts, words, and works, i. e. I perform good ac- 
tions, I dismiss all evil thoughts, words, and works, 
from thoughts, words, and works, i. e. I commit no 
sins. . . . 

The defilement with dirt and corpses, the bringing 
of dirt and corpses to the water and fire, or the bring- 
ing of fire and water to dirt and corpses; the omission 
of reciting the Avesta in mind, of strewing about hair, 
nails, and toothpicks, of not washing the hands, all 
the rest which belongs to the category of dirt and 
corpses, if I have thereby come among the sinners, so 
repent I of all these sins with thoughts, words, and 
works, corporeal as spiritual, earthly as heavenly, with' 
the three words: pardon, O Lord, I repent of sin. 

That which was the wish of Ormazd the Creator, and 
I ought to have thought, and have not thought, what 
I ought to have spoken and have not spoken, wliat I 
ought to have done and have not done; of these sins 
repent I with thoughts, words, and works, etc. 

That which was the wish of Ahriman, and I ought 
not to have thought and yet have thought, what I ought 
not to have spoken, and yet have spoken, what I ought 
not to have done and yet have done ; of these sins I 
repent, etc. — The Zend-Avesta. Quoted in Clarke, Ten 
Great Religions, Vol. I., pp. 188-193. 

RITES AND CEREMONIES. ' 

The customs which I know the Persians to observe 
are the following. They have no images of the gods, no 
temples nor altars, and consider the use of them a 
sign of folly. This comes, I think, from their not be- 
lieving the gods to have the same nature with men, as 
the Greeks imagine. Their wont, however, is to ascend 
the summits of the loftiest mountains, and there to offer 
sacrifice to Jupiter, which is the name they give to the 
whole circuit of the firmament. They likewise offer to 
the sun and moon, to the earth, to fire, to water, and 
to the winds. These are the only gods whose worship 
has come down to them from ancient times. . . . 

To these gods the Persians offer sacrifice in the fol- 
lowing manner: they raise no altar, light no fire, pour 
no libations ; there is no sound of the flute, no putting 
on of chaplets, no consecrated barley-cake; but the 
man who wishes to sacrifice brings his victim to a spot 
of ground which is pure from pollution, and there calls 
upon the name of the god to whom he intends to offer. 
It is usual to have the turban encircled with a wreath, 
most commonly of myrtle. The sacrificer is not allowed 
to pray for blessings on himself alone, but he prays for 
the welfare of the king, and of the whole Persian peo- 



(CoDtinued on Page i.) 



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McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



SOURCE-STUDY.— Continued. 

pie, among whom he is of necessity included. He cuts 
the victim in pieces, and having boiled^ the flesh, he 
lays it out upon the tenderest herbage that he can find, 
trefoil especially. When all is ready, one of the Magi 
comes forward and chants a hymn, which they say re- 
counts the origin of the gods. It is not lawful to offer 
sacrifice unless there is a Magus present. After wait- 
ing a short time the sacrificer carries the flesh of the 
victim away with him, and makes whatever use of it he 
may please. — Herodotus, trans. Rawlinson, I., Ch. 
131-132. 



'This* is the best of all things, this is the fairest of 
all things, even as thou hast said, O righteous Zara- 
thustra [Zoroaster] !' 

With these words the holy Ahura Mazda** rejoiced 
the holy Zarathustra: 'Purity is for man, next to life, 
the greatest good, that purity that is procured by the 
law of Mazda to him who cleanses his own self with 
good thoughts, words, and deeds.' — The Zend-Avesta, 
trans. Darmesteter, Extract from Fargard V. 

THE DISPOSAL OF THE HAIR AND NAILS. 

Zarathustra asked Ahura Mazda: 'O Ahura Mazda, 
most beneficent Spirit, Maker of the material world, thou 
Holy One! Which is the most deadly deed whereby a 
man increases most the baleful strength of the 
Daevas,*** as he would do by offering them a sacrifice?' 

Ahura Mazda answered: 'It is when a man here 
below combing his hair or shaving it off, or paring off 
his nails drops them in a hole or in a crack. 

Then for want of the lawful rites being observed, 
Daevas are produced in the earth; for want of the law- 
ful rites being observed, those Khrafstras are produced 
in the earth which men call lice, and which eat up the 
corn in the corn-field and the clothes in the wardrobe. 

"Therefore, O Zarathustra! whenever here below thou 
shalt comb thy hair or shave it off, or pare off thy 
nails, thou shalt take them away ten paces from the 
faithful, twenty paces from the fire, thirty paces from 
the water, fifty paces from the consecrated bundles of 
baresma. 

'Then thou shalt dig a hole, a disti**** deep if the 
earth be hard, a vistati***** deep if it be soft; thou 
shalt take the hair down there and thou shalt say aloud 
these fiend-smiting words : "Out of him by his piety 
Mazda made the plants grow up." 

'Thereupon thou shalt draw three furrows with a 
knife of metal around the hole, or six furrows or nine, 
and thou shalt chant the Ahuna-Vairya three times, 
or six, or nine. 

'For the nails thou shalt dig a hole, out of the house, 
as deep as the top joint of the little finger; and thou 
shalt take the nails down there and thou shalt say aloud 
these fiend-smiting words : "The words that are heard 
from the pious in holiness and good thought." 

'Then thou shalt draw three furrows with a knife of 
metal around the hole, or six furrows or nine, and 
thou shalt chant the Ahuna-Vairya three times, or six, 
or nine. 



*The purification or cleansing. 
**The supreme god. 
***Demons. 
*»**Ten fingers. 
*****Twelve fingers. 



'And then: "Look here, O Asho-zusta* bird I here 
are the nails for thee: look at the nails here! May 
they be for thee so many spears, knives, bows, falcon- 
winged arrows, and sling-stones against the Mazainya 
Daevas !" 

'If those nails have not been dedicated (to the bird) 
they shall be in the hands of the Mazainya Daevas so 
many spears, knives, bows, falcon-winged arrows, and 
sling-stones (against the Mazainya Daevas). — The 
Zend-Avesta, trans. Darmesteter, Extracts from Fargard 
XVIL 

Some believe that there are two Gods, — as it were, two 
rival workmen ; the one whereof thej' make to be the 
maker of good things, and the other bad. And some 
call the better of these God, and the other Daemon ; as 
doth Zoroastres, the Magee, whom they report to be 
five thousand years elder than the Trojan times. This 
Zoroastres therefore called the one of these Oromazes, 
and the other Arimanius; and affirmed, moreover, that 
the one of them did, of anything sensible, the most re- 
semble light, and the other darkness and ignorance; 
but that Mithras was in the middle betwixt them. For 
which cause, the Persians called Mithras the mediator. 
And they tell us that he first taught mankind to make 
vows and offerings of thanksgiving to the one, and to 
offer averting and feral sacrifice to the other. For they 
beat a certain plant called homomy** in a mortar, 
and call upon Pluto and the dark; and then mix it 
with the blood of a sacrificed wolf, and convey it to a 
certain place where the sun never shines, and there 
cast it away. For of plants they believe, that some 
pertain to the good God, and others again to the evil 
Daemon ; and likewise they think that such animals as 
dogs, fowls, and urcliins belong to the good; but water 
animals to the bad, for which reason they account him 
happy that kills most of them. These men, moreover, 
tell us a great many romantic things about these gods, 
whereof these are some: They say that Oromazes, 
springing from purest light, and Arimanius, on the 
other hand, from pitchy darkness, these two are there- 
fore at war with one another. And that Oromazes 
made six gods, whereof the first was the author of 
benevolence, the second of truth, the third of justice, 
and the rest, one of wisdom, one of wealth, and a third 
of that pleasure which accrues from good actions ; and 
that Arimanius likewise made the like number of con- 
trary operations to confront them. After this, Oro- 
mazes, having first trebled his own magnitude, mounted 
up aloft, so far above the sun as the sun itself above 
the earth, and so bespangled the heavens with stars. 
But one star (called Sirius or the Dog) he set as a 
kind of sentinel or scout before all the rest. And after 
he had made four-and-twenty gods more, he placed them 
all in an egg-shell. But those that were made by 
Arimanius (being themselves also of the like number) 
breaking a hole in this beauteous and glazed egg-shell, 
bad things came by this means to be intermixed witli 
good. But the fatal time is now approaching, in which 
Arimanius, who by means of this brings plagues and 
famines upon the earth, must of necessity be himself 
utterly extinguished and destroyed ; at which time, the 
earth, being made plain and level, there will be one 
life, and one society of mankind, made all happy, and 
one speech. — Plutarch, Morals, on Isis and Osiris, 
ch. 46-47. 



*The owl. 

**Identified with the Indian soma. 



McKlnley's Illustrated Topics tor Ancient History. 



Topic A 7. The Struggle with Persia and Carthage. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. The Ionic revolt, ipQ-W-t B. C. 

a) The Greek world in Asia Minor and its import- 

ance. 

b) Acquisition of the Greek cities by Lydia and 

their subsequent treatment. 

c) Schemes of Aristagoras and outbreak of the Ionic 

Revolt. 

d) Participation of Athens and Eretria. 

e) Burning of Sardis. 

f) Suppression of the revolt. 

2. The desire of Darius for revenge (First and Second 

Persian invasions of Greece), IQi-lSO B. C. 

a) Failure of expedition under jSIardonius. 

b) Invasion of Datis and Artaphernes. 

1) Destruction of Eretria. 

2) Miltiades at Marathon and significance 

of the battle. 
S. The ten years' respite, 490-480 B. C. 

a) Expedition and disgrace of Miltiades. 

b) Renewed preparation in Persia. 

c) Comparison of resources and strength of com- 

batants. 

4. Invasion of Greece, by Xerxes, 480-479 B. C. 

a) Route of Persians. 

b) Greek plans for defence — Congress of Corinth. 

c) Leonidas at Thermopyl*. 

d) Artemesium. 

e) Themistocles and Salamis. 

f) Pausanias at Plataea. 

g) Mycale. 

5. Invasion of Sicilv, by Hamilcar, 480 B. C. 

a) Power of Syracuse in Sicily — Gelo, the tyrant. 

b) Circumstances favorable to the Carthaginian 

attack. 

c) Himera and its significance. 

6. Effects of repulse 'of Persians and Carthaginians. 

a) On political life. 

b) On development of art and literature. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, cli. 7-8; Botsford, Ancient 
World, Sees. 185-210; Goodspeed, Sees. IIT, 164-178; Morey, 
Ancient, cli. 11; Myers, Ancient, ch. 18-19; M'ebster, Ancient, 
Sees. 72-79; West, Ancient, Sees. 152-176; Westermann, Ancient, 
Sees. 156-170; Wolf.son, Ancient, Sees. 87-88, 90-91, 93-116; 
Botsford, Greece, ch. 6-7; Morev, Greece, pp. 167-168, 173-193; 
Mvers, Greece, pp. 129-133, ch". 9-14; Smith, Greece, ch. 7-8, 
pp. 65-66; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 159-183. 

Collateral Reading. — Allcroft and JIasom, Sicily, ch. 2-3; 
Bury, ch. 6-7; Church, Carthage, Part II, ch. 1; Cox, Greeks 
and Persians, ch. 6-8; Creasv, ch. 1; Freeman, Sicilv, ch. 5-6; 
Harrison, ch. 23, 25-31, pp.' 375-379; Kimball-Burv, ch. 7-8; 
Oman, ch. 13-15, 17-20, pp. 228-233; Plutarch, Lives of Aris- 
teides and Themistocles; Schuckburgh, ch. 7-10; Schuckburgh, 
Greece to A. D. 14, ch. 3-4. 

Additional Pteading. — Abbott, Part II, ch. 1-5; Benjamin, 
Persia, ch. 8-9; Curtius, Vol. II, pp. 193-355, Vol. HI, pp. 
209-335; Grote, Vol. IV, ch. 35-36, Vol. V, ch. 38-43; Grundy, 
Persian War, ch. 3-14; Holm, Vol. II, ch. 1-6; Sayce, Ancient 
Empires of the East, pp. 250-352; Timayenis, Vol. I, pp. 131- 
229. 

Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 15-16; Davis, Greece, ch. 6; 
Fling, pp. 99-143; Webster, ch. 7; Wright, pp. 71, 314-318. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

(1) Note the relations of the Greek cities to Lydia, Persia 
and Greece; why they rebelled, bearing in mind the contrasts 
presented in their civilizations (see Topic A-6, suggestions); 
and the part taken in the revolt by Greece proper. 

(2) Note especially the route taken by first expedition; its 
failure; the route of second invasion; and the significance of 
Marathon. 



(3) Note the downfall of Jliltiades; the appearance of new 
leaders; their rivalry; and the preparations made by Greece 
and Persia for the last struggle, with special reference to tlie 
meeting at Corinth. 

(4) Note the parts played by Leonidas, Themistocles and 
Pausanias; follow the route of the expedition on the map. 

(5) Note the serious nature of the danger in the West; the 
career of Gelo; the reasons for the attack; and the significance 
of Himera. 

(6) Sum up the progress which the Greeks had already made. 
Note what it would have meant for their civilization if it had 
been checked or destroyed. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

THE BATTLE OF SALAMIS. 

The battle of Salamis decided the fate of the expedition of 
Xerxes. An opportunity is afforded here of contrasting and 
criticising three diiferent authorities. It must be borne In 
mind that Plutarch (b. 46 .\. D., d. 120 A. D.) wrote at a much 
later date than either Herodotus or ..Eschylus who were contem- 
poraries of the event. The latter makes no pretence to being 
a historian, but his account is of special value as he fought 
with the Greek fleet on this occasion and was therefore an eye- 
witness of the scene. He also served at Marathon and fought 
with such distinction that he was selected for the prize of pre- 
eminent bravery. 

Then the Hellenes put out all their ships, and while 
they were putting out from shore, the barbarians at- 
tacked them fortliwith. Now the other Hellenes began 
backing their ships and were about to run them aground, 
but Ameinias of Pallene, an Athenian, put forth witli 
his ship and charged one of the enemy; and his ship 
being entangled in combat and the men not being able 
to get away, the others joined in the fight to assist 
Ameinias. The Athenians say that the beginning of 
the battle was made thus, but the Eginetans say that 
tlie ship which went away to Egina to bring the sons of 
Aiacos was that which began the fight. It is also re- 
ported that an apparition of a woman was seen by 
them, and that having appeared she encouraged them 
to the fight so that the whole army of the Hellenes 
heard it, first having reproached them in these words: 
"Madmen, how far will ye yet back your ships?" 

Opposite the Athenians had been ranged the Phoeni- 
cians, for these occupied the wing towards Eleusis and 
the west, and opposite the Lacedemonians were the lon- 
ians, who occupied the wing which extended to tlie 
east and to Piraeus. Of them, however, a few were 
purposely slack in the fight according to the injunctions 
of Themistocles, but the greater number were not so. 
I might mention now the names of many captains of 
ships who destroyed ships of the Hellenes, but I will 
make no use of their names except in the case of Theo- 
mestor the son of Androdamos and Phylacos the son 
of Histiaios, of Samos both: and for this reason I 
make mention of these and not of the rest, because Theo- 
mestor on account of this deed became despot of 
Samos, appointed by the Persians, and Phylacos was 
recorded as a benefactor of the king and received much 
land as a reward. Now the benefactors of the king are 
called in the Persian tongue, orosangai. 

Thus it was with these; but the greater number of 
their ships were disabled at Salamis, being destroyed 
some by the Athenians and others by the Eginetans; 
for since the Hellenes fought in order and ranged in 
their places, while the barbarians were no longer ranged 
in order nor did anything with design, it was likely 
that there would be some such result as in fact fol- 



CopTiitbt. 1913, HcKinley PuUishmS Co,, FhiUdelpUs, Fa, 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics {or Ancient History. 

Mc'^nls^^'a Seijea of Geonraohical and Historical OoUiiu. Maps.. Ko. ij. Greece cud ^geanSea. 




Copyflght, 1900, The McKiHleyTublishing Co., Philadelplda, ^a. 



Map Work for Topic A 7. 



Show on the map the three invasions of Greece during Persian Wars, with the location of important points on the route. 

References: Dow, Plate 2; Putzger, p. 7; Shepherd, p. 13; Botsford, Ancient, p. 135; Botsford, Ancient World, p. 160; 
Morey, Ancient, pp. 153, 154; Myers, Ancient, p. 194; West, Ancient, p. 76; Botsford, Greece, p. 127; Morey, Greece, p. 186; 
Myers, Greece, p. 168; Webster, Ancient, p. 193; West, Ancient World, Part I, p. 73; KimbaU-Bury, p. 141. 



SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. 

lowed. Yet on this day they surpassed themselves 
much more than when they fought by Euboea, every 
one being eager and fearing Xerxes, and each man 
thinking that the king was looking especially at him. — 
Herodotus, trans. Macaulay, VIII., Ch. 83-86. 

As soon as it was day, Xerxes placed himself high 
up, to view his fleet, and how it was set in order. 
Phanodemus says, he sat upon a promontory above the 
temple of Hercules, where the coast of Attica is sepa- 
rated from the island by a narrow channel; but Acesto- 
dorus writes, that it was in the confines of Megara, 
upon those hills which are called the Horns, where he 
sat in a chair of gold, with many secretaries about him 
to write down all that was done in the fight. 

The number of the enemy's ships the poet Aeschylus 
gives in his tragedy called the Persians, as on his cer- 
tain knowledge, in the following words: 

"Xerxes, I know, did into battle lead 
One thousand ships; of more than usual speed 
Seven and two hundred. So it is agreed." 

The Athenians had a hundred and eiglity ; in every 
ship eighteen men fought upon the deck, four of whom 
were archers and the rest men at arms. 



As Themistocles had fixed upon the most advantageous 
place, so, with no less sagacitj^, he chose the best time 
of fighting; for he would not run the prows of his 
galleys against the Persians, nor begin the fight till 
the time of day was come, when there regularly blows 
in a fresh breeze from the open sea, and brings in with 
it a strong swell into the channel; which was no in- 
convenience to the Greek ships, which were low-built, 
and little above the water, but did much hurt to the 
Persians, which had high sterns and lofty decks, and 
were heavy and cumbrous in their movements, as it pre- 
sented them broadside to the quick charges of the 
Greeks, who kept their eyes upon the motions of Them- 
istocles, as their best example, and more particularly 
because, opposed to his ship, Ariamenes, admiral to Xer- 
xes, a brave man, and by far the best and worthiest of 
the king's brothers, was seen throwing darts and shoot- 
ing arrows from his huge galley, as from the walls of 
a castle. Aminias the Decelean and Sosicles the Pe- 
dian, who sailed in the same vessel, upon the ships 
meeting stem to stem, and transfixing each the other 
with their brazen prows, so that they were fastened to- 
gether, when Ariamenes attempted to board theirs, ran 
at him with their pikes, and thrust him into the sea ; 

(Continued *n Page 4.) 



McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Topic A 7. The Struggle with Persia and Carthage. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. The Ionic revolt, 499- i9i B. C. 

a) The Greek world in Asia Minor and its import- 

ance. 

b) Acquisition of the Greek cities by Lydia and 

their subsequent treatment. 

c) Schemes of Aristagoras and outbreak of the Ionic 

Revolt. 

d) Participation of Athens and Eretria. 

e) Burning of Sardis. 

f) Suppression of the revolt. 

2. The desire of Darius for revenge (First and Second 

Persian invasions of Greece), 'ip-i-igo B. C. 

a) Failure of expedition under INIardonius. 

b) Invasion of Datis and Artaphernes. 

1 ) Destruction of Eretria. 

2) Miltiades at Marathon and significance 

of the battle. 

3. The ten years' respite, -190-480 B. C. 

a) Expedition and disgrace of Miltiades. 

b) Renewed preparation in Persia. 

c) Comparison of resources and strength of com- 

batants. 

4. Invasion of Greece, by Xerxes, 480-479 B. C. 

a) Route of Persians. 

b) Greek plans for defence — Congress of Corinth. 

c) Leonidas at Thermopylae. 

d) Artemesium. 

e) Themistocles and Salamis. 

f) Pausanias at Platasa. 

g) Mycale. 

5. Invasion of Sicily, by Hamilcar, 480 B. C. 

a) Power of Syracuse in Sicily — Gelo, the tyrant. 

b) Circumstances favorable to the Carthaginian 

attack. 

c) Himera and its significance. 

6. Effects of repulse of Persians and Carthaginians. 

a) On political life. 

b) On development of art and literature. 

REFERENCES. 

TextbooliS. — Botsford, Ancient, ch. 7-8; Botsford, Ancient 
World, Sees. 185-310; Goodspeed, Sees. 117, 164-178; Morey, 
Ancient, ch. 11; Myers, Ancient, ch. 18-19; Webster, Ancient, 
Sees, "iii-'d; West, Ancient, Sees. 152-176; Westermann, Ancient, 
Sees. 156-170; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 87-88, 90-91, 93-116; 
Botsford, Greece, ch. 6-7; Morey, Greece, pp. 167-168, 173-193; 
Mvers, Greece, pp. 129-133, ch". 9-14; Smith, Greece, ch. 7-8, 
pp. 65-66; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 159-183. 

Collateral Reading. — Allcroft and Masom, Sicily, ch. 2-3; 
Bury, ch. 6-7; Church, Carthage, Part II, ch. 1; Cox, Greeks 
and Persians, ch. 6-8; Creasy, ch. 1; Freeman, Sicilv, ch. 5-6; 
Harrison, ch. 33, 25-31, pp. 375-379; Kimball-Burv, ch. 7-8; 
Oman, ch. 13-15, 17-20, pp. 228-333; Plutarch, Lives of Aris- 
teides and Themistocles; Schuckburgh, ch. 7-10; Schuckburgh, 
Greece to A. D. 14, ch. 3-4. 

Additional Reading. — Abbott, Part II, ch. 1-5; Benjamin, 
Persia, ch. 8-9; Curtins, Vol. II, pp. 193-355, Vol. Ill, pp. 
209-335; Grote, Vol. IV, ch. 35-36, Vol. V, ch. 38-43; Grundy, 
Persian War, ch. 3-14; Holm, Vol. II, ch. 1-6; Sayce, Ancient 
Empires of the East, pp. 250-252; Timayenis, Vol". I, pp. 131- 
229. 

Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 15-16; Davis, Greece, ch. 6; 
Fling, pp. 99-143; Webster, ch. 7; Wright, pp. 71, 314-318. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

(1) Note the relations of the Greek cities to Lydia, Persia 
and Greece; why they rebelled, bearing in mind the contrasts 
presented in their civilizations (see Topic A-6, suggestions) ; 
and the part taken in the revolt by Greece proper. 

(3) Note especially the route taken by first expedition; its 
failure; the route of second invasion; and the significance of 
Marathon. 



(3) Note the downfall of Miltiades; the appearance of new 
leaders; their rivalry; and the preparations made by Greece 
and Persia for the last struggle, with special reference to the 
meeting at Corinth. 

(4) Note the parts played by Leonidas, Tlicmistocles and 
Pausanias; follow the route of the expedition on tlie ma]). 

(5) Note the serious nature of the danger in the West; the 
career of Gelo; the reasons for tlie attack; and the significance 
of Himera. 

(6) Sum up the progress which the Greeks had already m.ido. 
Note what it would have meant for tlieir civilization if it had 
,been checked or destroyed. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

THE BATTLE OF SALAMIS. 

The battle of Salamis decided the fate of the expedition of 
Xerxes. An opportunity is afforded here of contrasting and 
criticising three different authorities. It must be borne in 
mind that Plutarch (b. 46 A. D., d. 130 A. D.) wrote at a nuich 
later date than either Herodotus or ^schylus who were contem- 
poraries of the event. The latter makes no pretence to being 
a historian, but his account is of special value as he fought 
with the Greek fleet on this occasion and was therefore an eye- 
witness of the scene. He also served at JIarathon and fought 
with sucli distinction that he was selected for the prize of pre- 
eminent bravery. 

Then the Hellenes put out all their ships, and while 
they were putting out from sliorc, the barbarians at- 
tacked them fortlnvith. Now the other Hellenes began 
backing their ships and were about to run them aground, 
but Ameinias of Pallene, an Athenian, put forth with 
his ship and charged one of the enemy; and his ship 
being entangled in combat and the men not being able 
to get away, the others joined in the fight to assist 
Ameinias. The Athenians say that the beginning of 
the battle was made thus, but tlie Eginctans say tliat 
the ship which went away to Egina to bring the sons of 
Aiacos was that whicli began the fight. It is also re- 
ported that an apparition of a woman was seen by 
them, and that having appeared she encouraged them 
to the fight so that the whole army of the Hellenes 
heard it, first having reproached them in these words: 
"ISIadmen, how far will ye yet back your ships.'" 

Opposite the Athenians had been ranged the Phoeni- 
cians, for these occupied the wing towards Eleusis and 
the west, and opposite the Lacedemonians were the lon- 
ians, who occupied the wing which extended to the 
east and to Piraeus. Of them, however, a few were 
purposely slack in the fight according to the injunctions 
of Themistocles, but the greater number were not so. 
I might mention now the names of many captains of 
ships who destroyed ships of the Hellenes, but I will 
make no use of their names except in the case of Tlieo- 
mestor the son of Androdamos and Phylacos the son 
of Histiaios, of Samos both : and for this reason I 
make mention of these and not of the rest, because Theo- 
mestor on account of this deed became despot of 
Samos, appointed by the Persians, and Phylacos was 
recorded as a benefactor of the king and received much 
land as a reward. Now the benefactors of the king are 
called in the Persian tongue, orosangai. 

Thus it was with these; but the greater number of 
their ships were disabled at Salamis, being destroyed 
some by the Athenians and others by the Eginctans; 
for since the Hellenes fought in order and ranged in 
their places, while the barbarians were no longer ranged 
in order nor did anything with design, it was likely 
that there would be some such result as in fact fol- 



Copyrilht, 1913, UcKinle; Publishing Cc, Philadelpbia, Pa, 



McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 

Mc4iulss'3 Serju of Georrraobical aad Historical OoUuic. Haps.. Ko. ij. Greeqe aud ^geaiLSsa. 




Copyright, 1900, The McKiHley-Publishing Co., Pbiladelplila, fa. 



Map Work for Topic A 7. 



Show on the inap the three invasions of Greece during Persian Wars, with the location of important points on the route. 

References: Dow, Plate 2; Putzger, p. 7; Shepherd, p. 13; Botsford, Ancient, p. 125; Botsford, Ancient World, p. 160; 
Morejf, Ancient, pp. 152, 154; Myers, Ancient, p. 194; West, Ancient, p. 76; Botsford, Greece, p. 127; Morey, Greece, p. 186; 
Myers, Greece, p. 168; Webster, Ancient, p. 192; West, Ancient World, Part I, p. 72; Kimball-Bury, p. 141. 



SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. 

lowed. Yet on this day they surpassed themselves 
much more than when they fought by Euboea, every 
one being eager and fearing Xerxes, and each man 
thinking that the king was looking especially at him. — 
Herodotus, trans. Macaulay, VIII., Ch. 83-86. 

As soon as it was day, Xerxes placed himself high 
up, to view his fleet, and how it was set in order. 
Phanodemus says, he sat upon a promontory above the 
temple of Hercules, where the coast of Attica is sepa- 
rated from the island by a narrow channel; but Acesto- 
dorus writes, that it was in the confines of Megara, 
upon those hills which are called the Horns, where he 
sat in a chair of gold, with many secretaries about him 
to write down all that was done in the fight. 

The number of the enemy's ships the poet Aeschylus 
gives in his tragedy called the Persians, as on his cer- 
tain knowledge, in the following words: 

"Xerxes, I know, did into battle lead 
One thousand ships; of more than usual speed 
Seven and two hundred. So it is agreed." 

The Athenians had a hundred and eighty; in every 
ship eighteen men fought upon the deck, four of whom 
were archers and the rest men at arms. 



As Themistocles had fixed upon the most advantageous 
place, so, with no less sagacity, he chose the best time 
of fighting; for he would not run the prows of his 
galleys against the Persians, nor begin the fight till 
the time of day was come, when there regularly blows 
in a fresh breeze from the open sea, and brings in with 
it a strong swell into the channel; which was no in- 
convenience to the Greek ships, which were low-built, 
and little above tlie water, but did much hurt to the 
Persians, whicli had high sterns and lofty decks, and 
were heavy and cumbrous in their movements, as it pre- 
sented them broadside to the quick charges of the 
Greeks, who kept their eyes upon the motions of Them- 
istocles, as their best example, and more particularly 
because, opposed to his ship, Ariamenes, admiral to Xer- 
xes, a brave man, and by far the best and worthiest of 
the king's brothers, was seen throwing darts and shoot- 
ing arrows from his huge galley, as from the walls of 
a castle. Aminias the Decelean and Sosicles the Pe- 
dian, who sailed in the same vessel, upon the ships 
meeting stem to stem, and transfixing each the other 
with their brazen prows, so that they were fastened to- 
gether, when Ariamenes attempted to board tlieirs, ran 
at him with their pikes, and thrust him into the sea; 

(Continued «ii P^e O 




\^ 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



SOURCE-STUDY— Continued. 

his body, as it floated amongst other shipwrecks, was 
known to Artemsia, and carried to Xerxes. 

It is reported that, in the middle of the fight, a great 
flame rose into the air above the city of Eleusis, and 
that sounds and voices were heard through all the 
Thriasian plain, as far as the sea, sounding like a 
number of men accompanying and escorting the mystic 
lacchus, and that a mist seemed to form and rise from 
the place from whence the sounds came, and, passing 
forward, fell upon the galleys. Others believed that 
they saw apparitions, in the shape of armed men, reach- 
ing out their hands from the island of Aegina before 
the Grecian galleys ; and supposed they were the Aeaci- 
da?, whom they had invoked to their aid before the bat- 
tle. The first man that took a ship was Lycomedes the 
Athenian, captain of a galley, who cut down its ensign, 
and dedicated it to Apollo the laurel-crowned. And as 
the Persians fought in a narrow arm of the sea, and 
could bring but part of their fleet to fight, and fell 
foul of one another^ the Greeks thus equalled them in 
strength and fought with them till the evening forced 
them back, and obtained, as says Simonides, that noble 
and famous victory, than which neither amongst the 
Greeks nor barbarians was ever known more glorious 
exploit on the seas; by the joint valor, indeed, and zeal 
of all who fought, but by the wisdom and sagacity of 
Themistocles. — Plutarch, Themisiocles, trans. Clough. 



Atossa. "Next tell me how the fight of ships began. 
Who led the attack? Were those Hellenes the first. 
Or wasn't my son, exulting in his strength.-'" 
Messenger. "The author of the mischief, O my mis- 
tress. 
Was some foul fiend or power on evil bent; 
For lo! a Hellene from the Athenian host 
Came to thy son, to Xerxes, and spake thus. 
That should the shadow of the dark night come. 
The Hellenes would not wait him, but would leap 
Into their rowers' benches, here and there. 
And save their lives in secret, hasty flight. 
And he forthwith, this hearing, knowing not 
The Hellenes' guile, nor yet the gods' great wrath. 
Gives this command to all his admirals. 
Soon as the sun should cease to burn the earth 
With his bright rays and darkness thick invade 
The firmament of heaven, to set their ships 
In three-fold lines, to hinder all escape, 
And guard the billowy straits, and others place 
In circuit round about the isle of Aias: 
For if the Hellenes 'scaped an evil doom. 
And found a way of secret, hasty flight. 
It was ordained that all should lose their heads. 
Such things he spake from soul o'erwrought with pride, 

pride. 
For he knew not what fate the gods would send; 
And they not mutinous, but prompt to serve. 
Then made their supper ready, and each sailor 
Fastened his oar around true-fitting thole. 



And when the sunlight vanished, and the night 

Had come, then each man, master of an oar. 

Went to his ship, and all men bearing arms. 

And through the long ships rank cheered loud to rank; 

And so they sail, as 'twas appointed each, 

And all night long the captains of the fleet 

Kept their men working, rowing to and fro ; 

Night then came on, and the Hellenic host 

In no wise sought to take to secret flight. 

And when day, bright to look on with white steeds, 

O'erspread the earth, then rose from the Hellenes 

Loud chant of cry of battle, and forthwith 

Echo gave answer from each island rock ; 

And terror then on all the Persians fell. 

Of fond hopes disappointed. Not in flight 

The Hellenes then their solemn paeans sang: 

But with brave spirit hasting on to battle. 

With martial sound the trumpet fired those ranks ; 

And straight with sweep of oars that flew through 

foam. 
They smote the loud waves at the boatswain's call ; 
And swiftly all were manifest to sight. 
Then first their right wing moved in order meet; 
Next the whole line its forward course began. 
And all at once we heard a mightj^ shout, — 
'O sons of Hellenes, forward, free your country; 
Free too your wives, your children, and the shrines 
Built to your fathers' gods, and holy tombs 
Your ancestors now rest in. Now the fight 
Is for our all.' And on our side, indeed 
Arose in answer din of Persian speech. 
And time to wait was over ; ship on ship 
Dashed its bronze-pointed beak, and first a barque 
Of Hellas did the encounter fierce begin. 
And from Phoenician vessel crashes off 
Her carved prow. And each against his neighbor 
Steers his own ship : and first the mighty flood 
Of Persian host held out. But when the ships 
AVere crowded in the straits, nor could they give 
Help to each other, they with mutual shocks, 
With beaks of bronze went crushing each the other. 
Shivering their rowers' benches. And the ships 
Of Hellas, with manoeuvering not unskilful. 
Charged cii-cling round them. And the hulls of ships 
Floated capsized, nor could the sea be seen, 
Strown, as it was, with wrecks and carcasses ; 
And all the shores and rocks were full of corpses. 
And every ship was wildly rowed in fight. 
All that composed the Persian armament. 
And they, as men spear tunnies, or a haul 
Of other fishes, with the shafts of oars. 
Or spars of wrecks went smiting, cleaving down ; 
And bitter groans and wailing overspread 
The wide sea-waves, till eye of swarthy night 
Bade it all cease: and for the mass of ills, 
Not, though my tale should run for ten full days. 
Could I in full recount them. Be assured 
That never yet so great a multitude 
Died in a single day as died in this." 

— Aeschylus, trans. Plumptre, The Persians. 



McKlnley's Illustrated Topics (or Ancient History. 



Topic A 8. The Age of Pericles : The Development of the Government 

and Rise of the Athenian Empire. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. Sparta's loss of leadership and formation of the 

Athenian Empire. 

a) Condition of Athens, in 479 B. C. 

b) Themistocles and the recovery of Athens. 

c) Spartan ojaposition. 

d) Aristeides and the formation of the Delian 

League, 
c) Treachery of Pausanias and Sparta's loss of 

leadership, 
f) Fall of Themistocles. 

2. Cimon, "the Athenian Nelson," and his policies. 

a) Naval exploits and recovery of the coast of Asia 

Minor and the Northern ^-Egean from 
Persia. 

b) His idea of the relation of Sparta and Athens to 

Greece. 

c) The revolt of the Helots. 

d) His ostracism. 

3. The imperial policy of Pericles. 

a) Reasons for his elevation to the leadership of 

Athens. 

b) Efforts to make Athens a land and naval power 

c) The Thirty Years' Truce and its significance. 

d) Increase of the naval power of Athens. 

i'. The Athenian democracy as established by Pericles. 

a) Changes in the citizenship. 

b) The dicasteries. 

c) Use of the theatre. 

d) Introduction of pay. 

e) Strong and weak points of the government. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 118-132; Botsford, An- 
cient World, Sees. 211-2!38, 243; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 181- 
196, 210-214; Moray, Ancient, pp. 160-177; Mvers, Ancient, Sees. 
216-229, 231; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 80-88; West, Ancient, 
Sees. 177-200; Westerniann, Ancient, eh. 13-14; Wolfson, An- 
cient, Sees. 117-132, 136-139; Botsford, Greece, pp. 140-157,164- 
179; Morev, Greece, pp. 202-227; Myers, Greece, pp. 227-263, 
266-269; Smith, Greece, pp. 114-137; West, Ancient World, 
Part I, Sees. 184-216. 

Collateral Reading.— Abbott, Pericles, eh. 3-11, 16; Burj', ch. 
8, pp. 346-367, 378-385; Cox, Athenian Empire, ch. 1; Grant, 
ch. 5-8; Harrison, ch. 32-33; Oman, cli. 22-24, pp. 268-271, 
274-279; Plutarch, Lives of Pericles, Themistocles, Aristides, 
Cimon; Schuckburgh, cii. 11-12; Schuckburgh, Greece to A. D. 
14, pp. 126-145; Tucker, ch. 10, 13, 14. 

Additional Reading. — Abbott, Greece, Part II, cii. 6-11, 
Part in, ch. 1; AUcroft and Stout, Making of Athens, ch. 
7-12; Cunningham, Western Civilization, Vol. I, pp. 112-123; 
Curtius, Vol. II, Book III, ch. 2, pp. 481-546; Gow. pp. 97-137; 
Grote, Vol. V, ch. 44-45, Vol. VI, ch. 46, pp. 49-66; Gulick, 
ch. 16; Holm, Vol. II, ch. 7-19; Timavenis, Vol. I, pp. 230-261; 
Whibly, Greek Studies, pp. 64-69, 360-368, 382-411. 

Source Books.— Botsford, pp. 1T5-185, 194-205; Davis, 
Greece, Nos. 74-75, 78-80, 87-88; Fling, pp. 144-159. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

(1) Note the advantages possessed by Sparta over Athens 
at the close of the war; and how Athens overcame these 
through the efforts of Themistocles and Aristeides, favored by 
the treachery of Pausanias. 

(2) Note the objects sought by Cimon as the leader of 
Athens; his success in attaining these, especially his career 
as an admiral; and his final overthrow as the result of his 
idea of what the relations of Athens and Sparta should be to 
each other and to Greece. 

(3) Note the efforts of Pericles to make Athens the power 
in Greece, particularly the building up of her power on land; 
and the ultimate failure as marked by the Truce. 

(4) Note the radical changes made by Pericles in the 
government and whether they were really democratic in their 
nature and effects. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

THE REFORM MEASURES OF PERICLES AND 

THE RELATIONS BETWEEN ATHENS 

AND HER ALLIES. 

Pericles was largely responsible for tlie creation of tlie 
Athenian democracy. His principal changes in the government 
are here summarized by Aristotle the philosoi>her and political 
thinker with some of the reasons for these, and comments upon 
their significance. Xenophon attempts to justify tlic relation; 
which were established between Athens and her allies and the 
benefits accruing to the city as the result of the policy ado))ted. 
Aristophanes in the play from which the last extract is taken 
makes the entire plot hinge xipon the spirit of litigation so 
prevalent in his day. The principal character is an .\tlienian 
juror or dicast. 

After this Pericles assumed the jjosition of popular 
leader, having first distinguished himself while still a 
young man by jDrosecuting Cimon on the audit of his 
official accounts as general. Lender his auspices the 
constitution became still more democratic. He took 
away some of the privileges of the Areopagus, and, 
above all, he turned the policy of the state in the di- 
rection of naval dominion, which caused the masses to 
acquire confidence in themselves and consequently to 
take the conduct of affairs more and more into their 
own hands. Moreover, forty-eight years after the bat- 
tle of Salamis, in the archonship of Pythodorus, the 
Peloponnesian War broke out, during which the popu- 
lace was shut up) in the city and became accustomed to 
gain its livelihood b}' militarj' service, and so, partly 
voluntarily and partly involuntarily determined to as- 
sume the administration of the state itself. Pericles 
was also the first •to institute pay for service in the law- 
courts, as a bid for popular favor to counterbalance the 
wealth of Cimon. The latter, having private posses- 
sions of royal splendor, not only performed the regu- 
lar public services magnificently, but also maintained a 
large number of his fellow-demesmen. Any member of 
the deme of Laciadas could go every day to Cimon's 
house and there receive a reasonable provision ; and his 
estate was guarded by no fences, so that any one who 
liked might help himself to the fruit from it. Pericles' 
private property was quite unequal to this magnificence, 
and accordingly he took tlie advice of Damonides of 
Olia, (who was commonly supjDosed to be the person 
who prompted Pericles in most of his measures, and 
was therefore subsequently ostracized), which was that, 
as he was beaten in the matter of private possessions, 
he should make presents to the people from their own 
property; and accordingly he instituted pay for the 
members of the juries. Some persons accuse him of 
thereby causing a deterioration in the character of the 
juries, since it was always the inferior people who 
were anxious to submit themselves for selection as jurors, 
rather than the men of better position. Moreover, 
bribery came into existence after this, the first person 
to introduce it being Anytus, after his command at 
Pylus. He was prosecuted by certain individuals on 
jury. — Aristotle, trans. Kenyon, On the Athenian Con- 
stitution, ch. 27. 

To speak next of the allies, and in reference to the 
point that emissaries from Athens come out, and, ac- 
cording to common opinion, calumniate and vent their 
hatred upon the better sort of people, this is done on 



tContinued on Page 4.) 



Copyright. 1913, HcKiiiley Pnblialiiiu Ca, Philadelphia, Pa. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics (or Ancient History. No. A 8. 



Copyiithl. 1013. McKinlev Publlshlnj Co. . Phlliidelpblfc ft. 



THE ACROPOLIS OF TODAY AND OF YESTERDAY. 



1 





1. Photograph of the Acropolis of today. 2. Restoration of the Acropolis. 

SUGGESTIVE QUESTION'S. 

Note the relative location of each of these buildings on the Acropolis. Can you identify the ruins in the upper picture in 
the lower view? What were the most prominent features of the Acropolis? Are these buildings in any sense modern m 
construction? Did the Athenians display any skill in adapting these structures to the formation of the land? .(^ 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



SOURCE-STUDY - Continued. 

the principle that the ruler cannot help being hated by 
those whom he rules; but that if wealth and respectabil- 
ity are to wield power in the subject cities, the empire 
of the Athenian people has but a short lease of exist- 
ence. This explains why the better people are pun- 
ished with infamy, robbed of their money, driven from 
their homes, and put to death, while the baser sort are 
promoted to honour. On the other hand, the better 
Athenians throw their aegis over the better class in the 
allied cities. And why.'' Because they recognize that 
it is to the interest of their own class at all times to 
protect the best element in the cities. It may be urged 
that if it comes to strength and power the real strength 
of Athens lies in the capacity of her allies to contribute 
their money quota. But to the democratic mind, it 
appears a higher advantage still for the individual 
Athenian to get hold of the wealth of the allies, leav- 
ing them only enough to live upon and to cultivate their 
estates, but powerless to harbour treacherous designs. 

Again, it is looked upon as a mistaken policy on the 
part of the Athenian democracy to compel her allies 
to voyage to Athens in order to have their cases tried. 
On the other hand, it is easy to reckon up what a num- 
ber of advantages the Athenian People derives from 
the practice impugned. In the first place, there is the 
steady receipt of salaries throughout the year derived 
from the court fees. Next, it enables them to manage 
the affairs of the allied states while seated at home 
without the expense of naval expeditions. Thirdly, 
they thus preserve the partisans of the democracy, and 
ruin her opponents in the law-courts. Whereas, sup- 
posing the several allied states tried their cases at 
home, being inspired by hostility to Athens, they would 
destroy those of their own citizens whose friendship to 
the Athenian People was most marked. But besides all 
this the democracy derives the following advantages 
from hearing the cases of her allies in Athens. In the 
first place, the one per cent levied in Piraeus is in- 
creased to the profit of the state; again, the owner 
of a lodging-house does better, and so, too, the owner 
of a pair of beasts, or of slaves to be let out on hire; 
again, heralds and criers are a class of people who fare 
better owing to the sojourn of foreigners at Athens. 
Further still, supposing the allies had not to resort 
to Athens for the hearing of cases, only the official 
representative of the imperial state would be held in 
honor, such as the general, or trierarch, or ambassador. 
Whereas now every single individual among the allies 
is forced to pay ilattery to the People of Athens be- 
cause he knows that he must betake himself to Athens 
and win or lose his case at the bar, not of any stray 
set of judges, but of the sovereign People itself, such 
being the law and custom at Athens. He is compelled 
to behave as a suppliant in the courts of justice, and 
when some juryman comes into court, to grasp his 
hand. For this reason, therefore, the allies find them- 
selves more and more in the position of slaves to the 
people of Athens. 

Furthermore, owing to the possession of property 
beyond the limits of Attica, and the exercise of mag- 
istracies which take them into regions beyond the front- 
ier, they and their attendants have insensibly acquired 
the art of navigation. A man who is perpetually 
. voyaging is forced to handle the oar, he and his domes- 
tic alike, and to learn the terms familiar in seaman- 
ship. Hence a stock of skillful mariners is produced, 
bred upon a wide experience of voyaging and practice. 
They have learnt their business, some in piloting a 



small craft, others a merchant vessel, whilst others have 
been drafted off from these for service on a ship-of-war. 
So that the majority of them are able to row the mo- 
ment they set foot on board a vessel, having been in 
a state of preliminary practice all their lives. — Xeno- 
phon, trans. Dakyns, Polity of the Athenians, Ch. 1. 

THE POWERS AND DUTIES OF THE DICAST 
OR JUROR. 

[Philocleon, the Dicast, speaking:] 

Well now, I will demonstrate forthwith from the 
starting-point respecting our dominion, that it is in- 
ferior to no sovereignty. For what animal at the present 
time is more happy and enviable, or more luxurious, 
or more terrible, than a dicast, especially an old one? 
AVhom in the feast-place fellows of huge size, and four 
cubits high, at the bar, watch on his creeping from his 
couch. And then straightway he lays his hand gently 
upon me as I approach, which has pilfered from the 
public money; and bowing low they supplicate me, ut- 
tering a piteous voice — "Pity me, father, I beseech you, 
if ever you j'ourself also stole anything, when holding 
any office, or on service, when making purchases for 
your messmates." A fellow who would not even have 
known that I was alive, but for his former acquittal. 

Then, when I have entered, after being entreated, and 
having had mj^ anger wiped away, when within, I per- 
form none of all these things which I promise ; but I 
listen to them uttering all their eloquence for an ac- 
quittal. Come, let me see; for what piece of flattery 
is it not possible for a dicast to hear there? Some 
lament their poverty, and add ills to their real ones, 
until, by grieving, he makes his equal to mine; others 
tell us mythical stories; others, some laughable joke of 
^sop; others cut jokes that I may laugh and lay aside 
my wrath. And if we should not be won over by these 
means, forthwith he drags in his little children by the 
hand, his daughters and his sons, while I listen. And 
they bend down their heads together, and bleat at the 
same time; and then their father, trembling, supplicates 
me as a god in their behalf, to acquit him from his ac- 
count: — "If you take pleasure in the voice of your 
lamb, pity the voice of my son" ; but if, on the other 
hand, I take pleasure in my little pigs, he beseeches 
me to be won over by the voice of his daughter. And 
we men relax for him the peg of our wrath a little. Is 
not this a mighty empire, and derision of wealth ? . . . 

But what is the most delightful of all these things 
which I had forgotten; when I come home with my 
fee, then all of them together salute me on my arrival, 
for the money's sake. And first when my daughter 
washes me, and anoints my feet, and stooping over me 
gives me a kiss, and wheedling me, at the same time 
fishes out the three-obol-piece with her tongue, ana 
when my little woman having won me over by flattery, 
brings me a light barley-cake, and then sitting down by 
my side, constrains me — "eat this," "gobble up this," 
I am delighted with these things, even if there shall 
be no need to look to you, and to the house-steward, 
when he shall serve up breakfast, imprecating curses and 
muttering. ... Do I not hold a great empire, and no 
way inferior to that of Jupiter, who have the same title 
as Jupiter? At any rate, if we should make an uproar, 
each one of those who pass by, says, "O king Jupiter, 
how the court thunders !" And if I lighten, the wealthy 
and very dignified whistle, and are in a horrid fright 
at me. And you yourself fear me very much; by Ceres, 
vou fear me; but may I perish if I fear you, — Aristo- 
phanes, Wasps. (Bohn.) 



McKlnley's Illustrated Topics (or Ancient History. 



Topic A 9. The Age of Pericles : Achievements in Art and Literature. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. Circumstances favorable to the development of art 

and literature. 

a) Religion. 

1 ) The Games. 

2) The Greek conception of God. 

b) Scenery. 

c) Language. 

d) Greek love of beauty. 

e) The Persian Wars. 

f) Encouragement of Pericles. 

2. Development of Art to Age of Pericles. 

a) Temple building. 

1 ) P'orm of temple and parts. 

2) Changes in form — the three orders. 

3) Changes in decoration — Temple of 

b) Sculpture. 

1) Influence of East. 

2) Relation to Architecture. 

3. Development of literature to Age of Pericles. 

a) The ei)ic and its decline — Hesiod. 

b) Lyric poetry. 

1) Its rise — Sappho. 

2) Its perfection — Pindar. 

3) Rise of the drama. 

c) Writing of history — Herodotus. 

4. The literature of the Periclean Age. 

a) Drama. 

1) Tragedy: ^Eschylus ; Sophocles; Euri- 

pides. 

2) Comedy — Aristophanes. 

b) History — Thucydides. 
e) Oratory — Pericles. 

5. The Art of the Periclean Age. 

a) The Buildings on the Acropolis — Ictinus. 

b) Sculpture. 

1 ) ^lyron and his work. 

2) Phidias and his work. 

c) Painting — Polygnotus. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 96-99, 133-134., 156; 
Botsford, Ancient World, Sees. 171-184, ;236-243, 271-^74; 
Goodspeed. Sees. 304-209, 224-228; Jlorey, Ancient, pp. 134- 
142, 197-213, 215-210; Mvers, Ancient, Sees. 230, 308-315, 317- 
321, 331-340, 347-352; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 68-69, 89, 97-99, 
224-229, 232-233; West. Ancient, Sees. 140-142, 144-151,201-207. 
210; Westermann, Ancient, cli. 15, Sees. 156-158. 208,217; Wolf- 
son, Ancient, Sees. 140-153; Botsford, Greece, pp. 87-96, 140-142, 
157-161, 179-187, 217-223; Jlorev. Greece, pp. 154-164, 193-201, 
228-251, 287-288; JIvers, Greece, pp. 263-266, 470-492, 496-498, 
500-515, 521-528; Smith, Greece, pp. 132-13,3, 143-163, 365-384, 
389-392; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 154-156, 217-225, 
228-232. 

Collateral Reading:. — Abbott, Pericles, eh. 17; Allcroft and 
Stout, Earlv Grecian Historv, ch. 18; Allcroft and Stout, Mak- 
ing of Athens, ch. 13, 15; Bury, pp. 284-285, 367-375, 385-389; 
Grant, ch. 12; Harrison, ch. 34; Kimball-Bury, pp. 185-191; 
Oman, pp. 272-274; Seignobos, ch. 14; Schuckbiirgh, ch. 13-14, 
25; Schuckburgh, Greece to A. D. 14, pp. 146-157, 364-394, 
eh. 1; Tucker, oh. 2, 12, 16. 

Additional Reading.— Abbott, Greece, Part III, ch. 3, 14; 
Curtlus, Vol. II, pp. 460-481, 546-641; Dickinson, Greek View 
of Life, ch. 4; Felton, Greece, Vol. I, pp. 3-240, 493-511; Fow- 
ler and Wheeler, Greek Archsologj', pp. 144-150, 155-157, 170, 
217-251; Gardner, Ancient Athens; Gardner, Grammar of 
Greek Art, ch. 5-9, 13-15; Grote, Vol. VI, pp. 66-71, Vol. 
VIII, ch. 67; Holm, Vol. I, ch. 24, Vol. II, ch. 12, 20, 26; Ma- 



haffy, Greek Civilization, pp. 133-157; Morris, Classical Litera- 
ture, p]). 25-155; Tiniayenis, \'i)l, I, pp. 261-276; X'tTschoyle, 
Ancient Civilization, ch. 9; Whibly, Greek Studies, eh. 3-4. 

Source Books.— Botsford, ch. 14, pp. 185-194, 196-202, 229- 
236, 239-240; Davis, Greece, No. 76; Fling, pp. 159-173; Wright, 
pp. 46-349. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

(1-3) Note the various conditions which contributed to the 
success of the Greeks in art and literature before the Age of 
Pericles; the characteristic features or peculiarities of their 
art and literature in this ]ireliniinary ))eriod; and the gradual 
changes which both underwent. 

(4-5) Note the Impetus given to art and literature in the 
Periclean Age and the work accomplished by the authors and 
artists. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

EXTRACTS FROM THE THREE GREAT TRAGIC 

POETS TO ILLUSTRATE THE FORM AND 

THOUGHT OF GREEK TRAGEDY. 

Tragedy reached its highest form of development in this age. 
These few extracts, which scarcely do justice to the subject, 
illustrate the lofty character and beauty of this form of litera- 
ture. In the period covered by the lives of these three masters, 
Greek tragedy changed markedly in character, ^schylus lays 
emphasis upon the sujierhumau and divine; his characters are 
swayed by the divine will or fate. "The sjiirit of patriotic and 
religious exaltation finds its highest expression in his poetry." 
In the plays of Sophocles the characters arc influenced by 
religious or moral motives, while in Euripides the characters 
are moved to action by human passions. The punishment of 
sinful pride forms the theme of the Promelheiin Bound; the 
idea in the Antigone was that "the rights of the individual 
rank higher than the rights of the state." In the Iphigenein nt 
Aulla and the Iphif/eneia amon;i Ihc Taiirian.i emphasis is laid 
upon the romantic element and tiie play of human passion. 
The Colonus of Sophocles is of interest as the masterpiece of 
his old age. Colonus was the birthplace of the poet. 

Extract from Prometheus Bound by Aeschylus: 

[Prometheus has been chained to a rock as a penalty for 
giving fire to mortals and soliloquizes as follows:] 

O Air Divine! O ye swift-winged Winds, — 
Ye sources of the rivers, and ye waves, 
That dimple o'er old Ocean like his smiles, — 
Mother of all, O Earth ! and tliou the orb. 
All-seeing, of the Sun, behold and witness 
What I, a god, from the stern gods endure. 

* ** * * * * * 

When shall my doom be o'er? — Be o'er! — to me 
The future bides no riddle — nor can woe 
Come unprepared! It fits me then to brave 
That which must be; for what can turn aside 
The dark course of the grim Necessity? 

Chorus of Oceanides: 

One have I seen with equal tortures riven — 

An equal god; in adamantine chains 

Ever and evermore. 

The Titan Atlas, crushed, sustains 

The mighty mass of mighty Iieaven; 

And the whirling cataracts roar 

With a chime to the Titan's groans. 

And the depth that receives them moans; 

And from vaults that the earth are under 

Black Hades is heard in thunder; 

While from the founts of white-waved rivers flow 

Melodious sorrows, uniting with his woe. — Bulwer. 



(Continued on Page 4.J 



Copyright, 1913, McKinley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia, Pa. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



PHIDIAS. 




Portions of the Parthenon frieze. 

SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS. 

What did this frieze represent? What do these portions portray? Compare this worli with that on the temple of Aepnq 
and note down the points of superiority. What difficult tasks has the artist attempted here, and with what success? What 
do you consider the admirable points about this work? 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. No. A 9. 

THE GREEK TEMPLE. 





THE PARTHENON 

Photographs of the model (restored) in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York 

How does this temple differ frnm an Pn-,.ntio„ to 1=-^ t.„;„ 

of columns are here used ? 



How does this temple differ from an Egj-ptian temple? Point out the principal parts of a Greek temple. AVhat order 



Copyright. 1913. McKinley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa- 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. 

Extracts from the Antigone by Sophocles: 

[Antigone insists upon burying the body of her brother 
contrary to the edict of King Creon. Her sister, Israene, 
strives in vain to dissuade her.] 

The protest of Antigone against tyranny. 
No ordinance of man shall override 
The settled laws of Nature and of Qod; 
Not written these in pages of a book. 
Nor were they framed to-day, nor yesterday; 
We know not whence they are; but this we know. 
That they from all eternity have been. 
And shall to all eternity endure. 

Antigone rebuking her sister, Ismene. 

No more will I exhort thee — no! and if 

Thou wouldst it now, it would not pleasure me 

To have thee as a partner in the deed. 

Be what it liketh thee to be, but I 

Will bury him and shall esteem it honor 

To die in the attempt; dying for him. 

Loving with one who loves me I shall lie 

After a holy deed of sin; the time 

Of the world's claims upon me may not mate 

With what the grave demands ; for there mj'' rest 

Will be for everlasting. Come wha!t will, 

It cannot take from me a noble death.— Donaldson. 

Reply of Antigone to Creon: 

Not through fear 
Of any man's resolve was I prepared 
Before the gods to bear the penalty 
Of sinning against these. That I should die 
I knew (how should I not?) though thy decree 
Had never spoken. And before my time 
If I shall die, I reckon this a gain ; 
For whoso lives, as I, in many woes, 
How can it be but he shall gain by death ? — Plumptre. 

Description of Colonus by Sophocles: 

Stranger, thou art standing now 

On Colonus' sparry brow; 

All the haunts of Attic ground, 

Where the matchless coursers bovind. 

Boast not, through their realms of bliss. 

Other spot as fair as this. 

Frequent down this greenwood dale 

ISIourns the warbling nightingale. 

Nestling 'mid the thickest screen 

Of the ivy's darksome green. 

Here Narcissus, day by day. 

Buds in clustering beauty gay. 

Here the golden Crocus gleams. 



Murmur here unfailing streams. 

Sleep the bubbling fountains never. 

Feeding pure Cephisus' river. 

Whose prolific waters daily 

Bid the pasture blossopi gaily, 

AVith the showers of spring-time blending 

On the lap of earth descending. ' 

Extract from the Iphigeneia at Aulis by Euripides. 

[Iphigeneia is about to be sacrificed by King Aga- 
memnon to bring favoring breezes to the Greek fleet. 
Her entreaty follows:] 

Ah, slay me not untimely! Sweet is light: 
Constrain me not to see the nether gloom ! 
'Twas I first called thee father, thou me child. 
'Twas I first throned my body on thy knees. 
And gave thee sweet caresses and received. 
And this thy word was: "Ah, my little maid. 
Blest shall I see thee in a husband's halls 
Living and blooming worthily oi' me.'" 
And, as I twined my fingers in thy beard, 
AVhereto I now cling, thus I answered thee: 
"And what of thee? Shall I greet thy gray hairs,. 
Father, with loving welcome in my halls, 
Repaying aiy thy fostering toil for me ?" 
I keep remembrances of that converse yet: 
Thou hast forgotten, thou wouldst murder me. 
Ah no! — By Pelops, by thy father Atreus, 

What part have I in Paris' rape of Helen? 
Why, father, should he for my ruin have come? 
Look on me — give me one glance — oh, one kiss. 
That I may keep in death from thee but this 
Memorial, if thou heed my pleading not. 

[To her infant brother, Orestes. 
Brother, small help canst tliou be to thy friends ; 
Yet weep with me, j'ct supplicate thy sire 
To slay thy sister not ! — some sense of ill 
Even in wordless infants is inborn. 
Lo, by his silence he implores thee, father — 
Have mercy, have compassion on my youth ! 
Yea, by thy beard we pray thee, loved ones twain, 
A nestling one, and one a daughter grown. 
In one cry summing all, I must prevail ! 
Sweet, passing sweet, is light for men to see. 
The grave's life nothingness ! Who prays to die 
Is mad. Ill life o'erpasseth glorious death. — Way. 

[The life of Iphigeneia was spared through the inter- 
vention of Artemis who whisked her off to the land of 
the Taurians. Her brother, Orestes, who had been sent 
there, was about to be sacrificed by his sister when 
their recognition was brought about through the device 
of a letter. This is one of the dramatic passages in the 
Iphigeneia among the Taurians.^ 



McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Topic A 10. Tlie Age of Pericles : The Life and Activities of the Athenian. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. Class distinctions in Athens. 

a) Privileges of citizens. 

b) Metics (foreigners). 

c) Slaves. 

2. Childhood and training of the Athenian. 

a) Ceremonies and customs connected with birth and 

childhood. 

b) Education. 

c) Military training. 

3. Marriage and the home. 

a) Marriage ceremonies. 

b) Position of women. 

c) Plan of a house. 

d) Furnishings of a house. 

e) Home life among the Athenians. 

4. Public activities. 

a) Business activities. 

b) The professions. 

c) The responsibilities of citizenship. 

1) Voting. 

2) Jury service. 

3) Military service. 

4) Attendance on the Ecclesia. 

5. Amusements. 

a) The symposium. 

b) The theatre. 

c) Festivals — The Panathenaic Festival. 

6. Sickness and burial. 

a) Treatment of disease. 

b) Burial rites and customs. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, ch. 18; Botsford, Ancient 
World, Sees. 239-235; Goodspeed, Sees. 197-204, 209; Morej', 
Ancient, pp. 219-223; Mvers, Ancient, ch. 31; Webster, Ancient, 
Sees. 88, 211-213, 215-218, 220, 222-223; West, Ancient, Sees. 
208-210; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 133-134; Morey, Greece, ch. 
20; Mvers, Greece, ch. 31; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sec. 
230, ch. 14. 

Collateral Reading. — Abbott, Pericles, ch. 18; Blumner, 
Home Life of Ancient Greeks; Grant, ch. 9; Gulick, Life of 
Ancient Greeks; Seignobos, pp. 145-148; Tucker, ch. 4-9, 
15, 17. 

Additional Reading.— Felton, Vol. I, pp. 331-397, 417-433; 
Whiblv, Greek Studies, ch. 7; Zimmern, City-State, Part III, 
ch. 7-8, 11-12. 

Source Books.— Botsford, pp. 206-209, 283-288, 294-295; 
Davis, Greece, Nos. 44, 93, 99; Fling, pp. 47-53; Wright, 
pp. 74-84. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

(1) Note the basis of existing class divisions and the ad- 
vantages and disadvantages peculiar to each class; (2) the 
training of the child; (3) the position of woman and the place 
of the home; (4) the prominent part taken by the citizen in 
political life; (5) the forms of diversion open to the people 
and their effects on their life and character; and (6) the treat- 
ment of disease and suffering and burial ceremonies, with par- 
ticular reference in each case to the "modernness" of the 
Athenian. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

THE SACRED GAMES AND FESTIVALS. 

The following extracts describe the general character of these 
games and explain their origin. It is suggested that the fea- 
tures of the present-day celebrations of the Olympic Games 
be compared with those which marked these ancient celebrations. 
The lyric poet, Pindar, is famous for his odes celebrating the 
victories won at these national contests. 

THE OLYMPIC GAMES. 
With regard to the Olympic games, the Elean anti- 
quaries say that Cronos first reigned in heaven, and 



that a temple was made for liim at Olympia by the 
men of that age^ who were named tlie "Golden Race." 
But when Zeus was born, Rhea committed the safe- 
keeping of the child to the Dactyls, who came from 
Ida in Crete, — and their names were Heracles, Pa?o- 
nasus, Epimenes, lasius, and Idas. Then in sport Her- 
acles, as the eldest, set his brethren to run a race, and 
crowned the victor with a branch of wild olive, of 
which they had such abundance that they slept on its 
fresh green leaves. They say that the wild oli^■e was 
brought to Greece by Heracles from the land of the 
Hyperboreans. He made the rule that the games 
should be celebrated every fourth year. Some say that 
Zeus wrestled here with Cronos for the kingdom, others 
that Zeus held the games in honor of his victory over 
Cronos. Amongst those who are said to have gained 
victories is Apollo, who is declared to have outrun 
Hermes in a race, and defeated Ares in boxing. That is 
why the flutes play the Pythian air, wliile the com- 
petitors in the pentathluni are leaping, because that 
air is sacred to Apollo, and the god himself liad won 
Olympic crowns. . . . 

At the point where the unbroken tradition of the 
Olympiads begins, there were only prizes for the foot 
race, and Coroebus the Elean won the first race. Aft- 
erward in the fourteenth Olympiad the double-circuit 
foot race was added, and Hypenus, a Pisan, won the 
wild olive crown in it. In the eighteenth, they "re- 
membered" the pentathlum and the wrestling. In the 
twenty-third Olympiad, they "restored" the prizes for 
boxing. In the twenty-fifth, they admitted the race 
for grown horses, in four horse chariots. Eiglit 
Olympiads later they admitted the pancratium for 
men, and the (single) horse race. The origin of the 
competitions for boys, however, is not traced to any 
ancient tradition ; they were introduced by a resolution 
of the Eleans. Prizes for boys in running and wrest- 
ling were instituted in the thirty-seventh Olympiad ; in 
the forty-first they introduced boxing for boys. The 
race between men in armor was sanctioned in the sixty- 
fifth Olympiad, for the purpose, I presume, of training 
men in war. The race between pairs of full-grown 
horses was instituted in the ninety-third. In the ninety- 
ninth they began the chariot races between cars each 
drawn bj' four foals. In the hundred and forty-fifth 
Olympiad prizes were offered for boys in the pan- 
cratium. . . . 

The present rules as to the presidents of games are 
not what they were originallv. Iphitus presided over 
the games, and after him, the descendants of Oxylus did 
likewise. But in the fiftieth Olympiad two men, se- 
lected by lot from the whole body of the Eleans, were 
intrusted with the presidency of the festival, and for 
a long time two was the number of the presidents. How- 
ever, in the twenty-fifth Olympiad nine umpires were 
appointed, three to take care of the chariot race, three 
for the pentathlum, and three to take charge of the 
other contests. In the next Olympiad but one a tenth 
umpire was added. In the hundred and third Olym- 
piad the Eleans were divided into twelve tribes, and 
one umpire was taken from each of the twelve. In the 
hundred and eighth they reverted to the number ten, 
and so it has remained ever since. — Pausanias, trans. 
Frazer, V., Ch. 7-9- 

Divine justice has impelled me to sing of a contest 
that holds the first rank in Hellas, which near the an- 
(Continued on Page 4.) 



Copyright. 1913, McKioIey Publishing Co , Philadelphia, Pa. 




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McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



SOURCE-STUDY.— Continued. 

cient barrow of Pelops the mighty Hercules founded, 
after slaying the sturdy sou of Poseidon, Cteatus, and 
likewise Eurytus, in order to exact from Augeas, wil- 
lingly from one unwilling, the fee for his service, an 
exorbitant demand. And it was by lying in wait for 
him in ambush near Cleonae that Hercules defeated them 
on the road, because on a former occasion they had 
made havoc of a Tirynthian host of his by sitting con- 
cealed in one of the valleys of Elis, — those overbearing 
sons of Molus. . . . And Time in its onward course 
has informed us of the true account, in what way the 
founder distributed the choice spoils and offered the 
tithe of the war, and how he appointed that the festival 
should be kept every fifth year, with the victories won 
at this first Olympian contest. Who then gained the 
newly appointed crown with hands and feet and the 
car, having conceived the intention of winning glory 
at the games, and securing it in action? First in the 
straight reach of the stadium in the foot-race was the 
son of Licymnius, Oeonus ; he had come from Midea 
conducting an armed host. Echemus it was who in 
wrestling shed glory on Tegea ; Doryclus won the prize 
in boxing, inhabitant of the city Tiryns; on four horses, 
Samus of Mantinea, the son of Halirrhothius. With 
the javelin Phrastor hit the mark; in the long fling 
Niceus by a whirl of the hand threw with the stone 
further than all ; and the allied forces greeted him as 
he passed with loud hurrahs. And in the midst of 
the contest the lovely brightness of the fair-faced moon 
lighted up Vesper, and all the sacred inclosure rang 
with festive songs after the fashion of the eomus. — 
Pindar, trans. Palej', Olympian Ode XI., pp. 55-57. 

THE DELIAN GAMES. 

After the purification, the Athenians for the first 
time celebrated the Delian games, which were held 
every four years. There had been in ancient days a 
great gathering of the lonians and the neighboring 
islanders at Delos; whither they brought their wives 
and children to be present at the Delian games, as the 
lonians now frequent the games at Ephesus. Musical 
and gymnastic contests were held there, and the cities 
celebrated choral dances. The character of the festival 
is attested by Homer in the following verses, which 
are taken from the hymn to Apollo : 

"At other times, Phoebus, Delos is dearest to thy heart. 
Where are gathered together the lonians in flowing 

robes. 
With their wives and cliildren in thy street: 
There do they delight thee with boxing and dancing 

and song. 
Making mention of thy name at the meeting of the 

assembly." 

And that there were musical contests which attracted 
competitors is implied in the following words of the 
same hymn. After commemorating the Delian dance 
of women. Homer ends their praises with these lines, 
in which he alludes to himself: 

"And now may Apollo and Artemis be gracious, 
And to all of you, maidens, I say farewell. 
Yet remember me when I am gone ; 
And if some other toiling pilgrim among the sons of 

men 
Comes and asks: O maidens. 
Who is the sweetest minstrel of all who wander hither. 



And in whom do you delight most. 

Make answer with one voice, in gentle words. 

The blind old man of Chios' rocky isle." 

Thus far Homer, who clearly indicates that even in 
the days of old there was a great gathering and fes- 
tival at Delos. In after ages the islanders and the 
Athenians sent choruses and sacrificed. But the games 
and the greater part of the ceremonies naturally fell 
into disuse, owing to the misfortunes of Ionia. The 
Athenians now restored the games and for the first 
time introduced horse-races. — Thucydides, trans. Jow- 
ett. III., Ch. 104. '__ 

Introduction to the First Pythian Ode. 

[This ode was sung in celebration of the victory of Hiero, 
King of Syracuse, in the chariot-race about HO B. C. This 
introduction is especially brilliant and has been much admired.] 

O lyre of gold. 

Which Phoebus, and that sister choir. 

With crisped locks of darkest violet hue. 

Their seemly heritage forever hold: 

The cadenced step hangs listening on thy chime; 

Spontaneous joj^s ensue; 

The vocal troops obey thy signal notes ; 

While sudden from the shrilling wire 

To lead the solemn dance thy murmur floats 

In its preluding flight of song; 

And in thy streams of music drowned 

The forked lightning in Heaven's azure clime 

Quenches its ever-flowing fire. 

The monarch-eagle then hangs down 

On either side his flagging wing, 

And on Jove's sceptre rocks with slumbering head: 

Hovering vapors darkling spread 

O'er his arched beak, and veil his filmy eye: 

Thou pourest a sweet mist from thy string; 

And as thy music's thrilling arrows fly 

He feels soft sleep suffuse 

From every pore its balmy-stealing dews, 

And heaves his ruffled plumes in slumber's ecstasy. 

Stern Mars has dropped his sharp and barbed spear; 

And starts, and smiles to hear 

Thy warbled chaunts, while joy flows in upon his mind; 

Thy music's weapons pierce, disarm 

The demons of celestial kind. 

By Apollo's music-charm. 

An accent of the zoned, full-bosomed maids 

That haunt Pieria's shades. — Carv. 



[The following ode was composed in 490 B. C. in honor ot 
the Athenian Megacles believed to he a son of Cleisthenes' 
brother, Hippocrates:] 

The great city of Athens is the fairest prelude for 
laying the foundation of songs in praise of the power- 
ful family of Alcmaeonidae (now victors) in the 
chariot-race. For what clan, what house of anjr peoples, 
shall I name, that has been more illustrious for Hellas 
to hear of.'' For to all cities familiar is the fame of 
those citizens of Erectheus who built at divine Pytho 
thy much admired shrine, Apollo. And I am lead (to 
sing of them) by five victories at Isthmus, and one of 
especial splendour at the Olympian festival of Zeus, and 
two from Cirrha gained by you, Megacles, and your 
forefathers. And at this new success I am not with- 
out joy; j'ct there is one matter at which I am an- 
noyed, that envy requites these great and good deeds. 
— They do say, however, that in this way thriving pros- 
perity, when it has stood long by a man, is likely to 
meet with checkered fortune. — Pindar, trans. Paley, 
Pythian Ode VII. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Topic A 11. 



The Athenian and Spartan Struggle for Mastery 
The Peloponnesian War. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. The causes and the occasion. 

a) Contrasts between Sparta and Athens as to 

character of people, pursuits and govern- 
ment. 

b) Rival claims to leadership. 

c) Trouble over Core3Ta and Potidaea. 

2. Pericles as the director of the war. 

a) His plans. 

b) The plague and death of Pericles. 

3. Period of Cleon, the demagogue. 

a) Revolt of jSIitj-lene. 

b) Pylos and Sphacteria. 

c) Brasidas in Thrace. 

d) Amphipolis. 

e) Peace of Nicias, 421 B. C. 

4. Alcibiades and the Sicilian Expedition. 

a) Reasons for Athenian interference in Sicily. 

b) Mutilation of the Hermse and recall of Alcibi- 

ades. 

c) Intrigues of Alcibiades in Sparta. 

d) Failure of the expedition. 

5. Lysander and the downfall of Athens. 

a) Changes in the government of Athens and recall 

of Alcibiades. 

b) Interference of Persia. 

c) Arginusse. 

d) j$jgospotami. 

e) Terms of the peace. 

6. Results of the war. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 136-155; Botsford, An- 
cient World, Sees. 346-270; Goodspced, Ancient, Sees. 315-233, 
230-244; Morey, Ancient, pp. 178-187; Myers, Ancient, ch. SH^ 
Webster, Ancient, Sees. 90-93; "West, Ancient, Sees. 311-216; 
Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 306-217; Wolfson, Ancient, ch. 
13-14; Botsford, Greece, pp. 190-316, 237-238; Morey, Greece, 
ch. 21; Myers, Greece, ch. 17-21; Smith, Greece, ch. 11-13; West, 
Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 241-251. 

Collateral Reading. — Abbott, Pericles, ch. 12-15; AUcroft, 
Peloponnesian War, ch. 1-11; AUcroft and Masom, Sicily, ch. 
6; Bury, ch. 10, pp. 458-506; Cox, Athenian Empire, ch. 3-7; 
Creasv,' ch. 3; Grant, ch. 10-11; Harrison, ch. 35-36, pp. 430- 
433, 438-470; Kimball-Bury, eh. 13-13, pp. 227-236; Oman, ch. 
26-34; Plutarch, Lives of Alcibiades, Lysander, Nicias; Sankey, 
pp. 1-3; Schuckburgh, ch. 15-17; Schuckburgh, Greece to A. D. 
14, pp. 158-199; Seignobos, pp. 156-159. 

Additional Reading. — Abbott, Greece, Part III, ch. 3-11, 
pp. 430-464; Curtius, Vol. Ill, ch. 1-5; Grote, Vol. VI, ch. 
47-53, Vol. VII, ch. 54-61, Vol. VIII, ch. 62-64, pp. 187-205; 
Holm, Vol. II, ch. 21-25, 27-38; Mahaffv, Greek Civilization, 
pp. 153-156; Timayenis, Vol. I, pp. 291-387; Whibly, Greek 
Studies, pp. 69-73. 

Source IJooks. — Botsford, pp. 206-229; Davis, Greece, Nos. 
77, 81-86; Fling, ch. 7; Webster, ch. 8-9; Wright, pp. 330-349. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

(1) Review the earlier relations between the cities, noting 
whether they were friendly or hostile and why; tlie steps by 
which trouble with Corinth (over Corcyra and Potidaea) led to 
war with Sparta; (2) the plans adopted by Pericles for the 
conduct of the struggle, the plans of the Spartans and their 
success; (3) the domination of Athens by Cleon and the war 
party; the steps by which he rose to power; the events in 
which he bore a prominent part; the opportunities afforded for 
a settlement of the struggle; the success of Brasidas and the 
circumstances culminating in the Peace of Nicias. 

(4) Note the circumstances which brought Alcibiades into 
prominence; the arguments for and against the expedition; the 
leaders and their plans; the ruin of the enterprise and the 
part taken by Alcibiades. (5) Note the way Lysander and 
Persia accomplished the defeat of Athens and why; and the 
mistakes of the Athenians. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

THE ATHENIAN AND SPARTAN CONTRASTED. 

The Pcloponnessian War was the culmination of differences 
of character, pursuits and habits of life which were us old as 
the two cities. The Corinthians in their efforts to arouse the 
Spartans to action give expression to .some ]>lain truths. The 
character sketches of Pericles and Lysander afford valuable , 
material for forming a correct estimate of Greek character. 

THE CORINTHIANS CONTRAST THE ATHE- 
NIANS AND SPARTANS. 

Of all Hellenes, Lacedaemonians, you are the only 
people who never do anything: on the approach of an 
enemy you are content to defend yourselves against 
him, not by acts, but by intentions, and seek to over- 
throw him, not in the infancy but in the fullness of 
his strength. How came you to be considered safe? 
That reputation of yours was never justified by facts. 
We all know that the Persian made his way from the 
ends of the earth against Peloponnesus before you en- 
countered him in a worthy manner; and now you are 
blind to the doings of the Athenians, who are not at 
a distance as he was, but close at hand. Instead of 
attacking your enemy, you wait to be attacked, and take 
the chances of a struggle which has been deferred until 
his power is doubled. And you know that the Bar- 
barian miscarried chiefly through his own errors ; and 
that we have oftener been delivered from these very 
Athenians by blunders of their own, than by any aid 
from you. Some have already been ruined by the hopes 
which you inspired in them; for so entirely did they 
trust you that they took no precautions themselves. 
These things we say in no accusing or hostile spirit — 
let that be understood — but by way of expostulation. 
For men expostulate with erring friends, they bring 
accusation against enemies who have done them a wrong. 

And surely we have a right to find fault with our 
neighbors, if any one ever had. There are important 
interests at stake to which, as far as we can see, you 
are insensible. And you have never considered what 
manner of men are these Athenians with whom you will 
have to fight, and how utterly unlike yourselves. They 
are revolutionary, equally quick in the conception and 
in the execution of every new plan ; while you are con- 
servative — careful only to keep what you have, origi- 
nating nothing, and not acting even when action is most 
necessary. They are bold beyond their strength; they 
run risks which prudence would condemn; and in the 
midst of misfortune they are full of hope. ^^Tiereas 
it is your nature, though strong, to act feebly; when 
your plans are most prudent, to distrust them; and 
when calamities come upon you, to think that you will 
never be delivered from them. They are impetuous, 
and you dilatory; they are always abroad, and you are 
always at home. For they hope to gain something by 
leaving their homes ; but you are afraid that any new 
enterprise may imperil what you have already. When 
conquerors, they pursue their victory to the utmost; 
when defeated, they fall back the least. Their bodies 
they devote to their country as though they belonged to 
other men; their true self is their mind, which is most 
truly their own when employed in her service. AVhen 
they do not carry out an intention which they have 
formed, they seem to have sustained a personal bereave- 



Cbpyrifiht, I9I3.- HcEiBley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 

McKinley'9 Series of Geographical and Historical Outline Maps. No. ii, Greece and ^gean Sea. 




Copyright igoo, The McKinley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. 



Map Work for Topic All. 



Show on the map the allies of Sparta and Atliens at the outbreak of tlie war and locate the chief battles. 

References:— Dow, p. 2; Putzger, p. 4; Sanborn, p. 8; Shepherd, p. 17; Botsford, Ancient, p. 1C3; Botsford, Ancient World, 
p. 330; Goodspeed, Ancient, p. 180; Morey, Ancient, p. 180; Myers, Ancient, p. 320; Webster, Ancient, p. 334; West, Ancient, 
p. 193; Westermai.n, Ancient, p. 166; Wolfson, Ancient, p. 163; Botsford, Greece, p. 195; Morey, Greece, p. 2G3; Myers, Greece, 
p. 273; West, Ancient World, Part I, p. 246. 



SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. 

ment; when an enterprise succeeds, they have gained a 
mere instalment of what is to come; but if they fail^ 
they at once conceive new hopes and so fill up the void. 
With them alone to hope is to have^ for they lose not 
a moment in the execution of an idea. This is the life- 
long task, full of danger and toil, which they are always 
imposing upon themselves. None enjoy their good 
things less, because they are always seeking for more. 
To do their duty is their only holiday, and they deem 
the quiet of inaction to be as disagreeable as the most 
tiresome business. If a man should say of them, in a 
word, that they were born neither to have peace them- 
selves, nor to allow peace to other men, he would sim- 
ply speak the truth. 

In the face of such an enemy, Lacedaemonians, you 
persist in doing nothing. You do not see that peace 
is best secured by those who use their strength justly, 
but whose attitude shows that they have no intention of 
submitting to wrong. Justice with you seems to con- 
sist in giving no annoj^ance to others, and in defending 
j'ourselves only against positive injury. But this policy 
would hardly be successful, even if your neighbors were 
like yourselves ; and in the present case, as we pointed 
out just noWj your ways compared with theirs are old- 



fashioned. And, as in the arts, so also in politics, the 
new must always prevail over the old. In settled times 
the traditions of government should be observed: but 
when circumstances are changing and men are com- 
pelled to meet them, much originality is required. The 
Athenians have had a wider experience, and therefore 
the administration of their state has improved faster 
than yours. — Thucydides, trans. Jowett, I., Ch. 69-71- 

ESTIMATES OF TWO GREAT REPRESENTA- 
TIVES OF SPARTA AND ATHENS. 

Thucydides on Pericles. 
During the peace while he was at the head of affairs 
he ruled with prudence; under his guidance Athens was 
safe, and reached the height of her greatness in his 
time. When the war began he showed that here too he 
had formed a true estimate of the Athenian power. He 
survived the commencement of hostilities two years and 
six months ; and, after his death, his foresight was even 
better appreciated than during his life. For he had 
told the Athenians, that if they would be patient and 
would attend to their navy, and not seek to enlarge 
their dominion while the war was going on, nor imperil 
the existence of the city, they would be victorious ; but 
they did all that he told them not to do, and in matters 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics lor Ancient History. No. A 1 1. 



which seemingly had nothing to do with the war, from 
motives of private ambition and private interest they 
adopted a policy which had disastrous effects in respect 
both of themselves and of their allies; their measures, 
had they been successful, would only have brought honor 
and profit to individuals, and, when unsuccessful, crip- 
pled the city in the conduct of the war. The reason 
of the difference was that he, deriving authority from 
his capacity and acknowledged worth, being also a man 
of transparent integrity, was able to control the mul- 
titude in a free spirit; he led them rather than was led 
by them ; for, not seeking power by dishonest arts, he 
had no need to say pleasant things, but, on the strength 
of his own high character, could venture to oppose and 
even to anger them. When he saw them unseasonably 
elated and arrogant, his words humbled and awed 
them; and, when they were depressed by groundless 
fears, he sought to reanimate their confidence. Thus 
Athens, though still in name a democracy, was in fact 
ruled by her greatest citizen. But his successors were 
more on an equality with one another, and, each one 
struggling to be first himself, they were ready to sac- 
rifice the whole conduct of affairs to the whims of the 
people. — Thucydides, trans. Jowett, II., Ch. 65. 

Plutarch on Pericles. 

The source of his predominance was not barely his 
power of language, but, as Thucydides assures us, the 
reputation of his life, and the confidence felt in his 
character; his manifest freedom from every kind of 
corruption, and superiority to all considerations of 
money. Nothwithstanding he had made the city Athens, 
which was great of itself, as great and rich as can be 
imagined, and though he were himself in power and 
interest more than equal to many kings and absolute 
rulers, who some of them also bequeathed bj' will their 
power to their children, he, for his part, did not make 
the patrimony his father left him greater than it was 
by one drachma. — Plutarch, trans. Clough, 

Plutarch on Lysander. 

This ambitious temper was indeed only burdensome 
to the highest personages and to his equals, but through 
having so many people devoted to serve him, and ex- 
treme haughtiness and contemptuousness grew up, to- 
gether with ambition, in his character. He observed 
no sort of moderation, such as befitted a private man, 
either in rewarding or in punishing; the recompense of 
his friends and guests was absolute power over cities, 
and irresponsible authority, and the only satisfaction 
of his wrath was the destruction of his enemy; banish- 
ment would not suffice. As for example, at a later 
period, fearing lest the popular leaders of the Milesians 
should fly, and desiring also to discover those who lay 
hid, he swore he would do them no harm, and on their 
believing him and coming forth, he delivered them up 
to the oligarchical leaders to be slain, being in all no 
less than eight hundred. And, indeed, the slaughter in 
general of those of the popular party in the to'^vns ex- 
ceeded all computation; as he did not kill only for 
offences against himself, but granted these favors with- 
out sparing, and joined in the execution of them, to 
gratify the many hatreds, and the much cupidity of his 
friends everywhere round about him. From whence 
the saying of Eteocles, the Lacedaemonian, came to be 
famous, that "Greece could not have borne two Ly- 
sanders." Theophrastus says, that Archestratus said 
the same thing concerning Alcibiades, But in his case 



what had given most offence was a certain licentious 
and wanton self-will; Lysander's power was feared and 
hated because of his unmerciful disposition. . . . 

The poverty also of Lysander being discovered by 
his death, made his merit more manifest, since from 
so much wealth and power, from all the homage of 
the cities, and of the Persian kingdom, he h,ad not in 
the least degree, so far as money goes, sought .any 
private aggrandizement, as Theopompus in his history 
relates, whom any one may rather give credit to wlu-n 
he commends, than when he finds fault, as it is more 
agreeable to him to blame than to praise. — Plutarch, 
trans, Clough, 

THE FATE OF THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION. 

The Sicilian Expedition was one of the most dramatic 
episodes of the entire struggle, and also one of the most deri- 
sive. The historian Thucydides, a contemporary, and a par- 
ticipant in the Peloponnesian War, has left us the following 
vivid narrative of the closing events. 

The Decisive Battle. 

While the naval engagement hung in the balapce the 
two armies on shore had great trial and conflict of souls. 
The Sicilian soldier was animated by the hope of in- 
creasing the glory which he had already won, while tlic 
invader was tormented by the fear that his fortunes 
might sink lower still. The last chance of the Atlienians 
lay in their ships, and their anxiety was dreadful. Tlie 
fortune of the battle varied, and it was not possible 
that the spectators on the shore should all receive the 
same impression of it. Being quite close and h.-iving 
different points of view, they would some of them see 
their own ships victorious ; their courage would then 
revive, and they would earnestly call upon the gods not 
to take from them their hope of deliverance. But 
others, who saw their ships worsted, cried and shrieked 
aloud, and were by the sight alone more utterly unnerved 
than the defeated combatants themselves. Others again, 
who had fixed their gaze on some part of the struggle 
which was undecided, were in a state of excitement still 
more terrible; they kept swaying their bodies to and fro 
in an agony of hope and fear as the stubborn conflict 
went on and on ; for at every instant they were all 
but saved or all but lost. And while the strife hung in 
the balance you might hear in the Athenian army at once 
lamentation, shouting, cries of victory or defeat, and all 
the various sounds which are wrung from a great host 
in extremity of danger. Not less agonizing were the 
feelings of those on board. At lengtli the Syracusans 
and their allies, after a protracted struggle, put the 
Athenians to flight, and triumphantly bearing down 
upon them, and encouraging one another with loud cries 
and exhortations, drove them to land. Then tjiat part 
of the navy which had not been taken in tlie deep water 
fell back in confusion to the shore, and the crews rushed 
out of the ships into the camp. And the land forces, 
no longer now divided in feeling, but uttering one uni- 
versal groan of intolerable anguish, ran, some of tliem 
to save the ships, others to defend wliat remained of the 
wall ; but the greater number began to look to them- 
selves and to their own safety. Thucydides, trans. 
Jowett, VIL, Ch. 71. 

The Retreat. 

On the third day after the sea-fight, when Nicias and 
Demosthenes thought that their preparations were com- 
plete, the army began to move. They were in a dread- 



Copyrieht. 1913. McKinley Pnblishine Co. . Philadelphia. Pa. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



ful condition; not only was there the great fact that 
they had lost their whole fleet, and instead of their 
expected triumph had brought the utmost peril upon 
Athens as well as upon themselves, but also the sights 
which presented themselves as they quitted the camp 
were painful to every eye and mind. The dead were 
unburied, and when any one saw the body of a friend 
lying on the ground he was smitten with sorrow and 
dread, while the sick or wounded who still survived, but 
had to be left, were even a greater trial to the living, 
and more to be pitied than those who were gone. Their 
prayers and lamentations drove their companions to dis- 
traction; they would beg that they might be taken with 
them, and call by name any friend or relation whom they 
saw passing ; they would hang upon their departing com- 
rades and follow as far as they could, and when their 
limbs and strength failed them and they dropped behind, 
many were the imprecations and cries which they uttered. 
So that the whole army was in tears, and such was their 
despair that they could hardly make up their minds to 
stir, although they were leaving an enemy's country, 
having suffered calamities too great for tears already, 
and dreading miseries yet greater in the unknown fu- 
ture. There was -also a general feeling of shame and 
self-reproach, — indeed they seemed, not like an army, 
but like the fugitive population of a city captured after 
a siege; and of a great city, too. For the whole multi- 
tude who were marching together numbered not less 
than forty thousand. Each of them took with him any- 
thing he could carry which was likely to be of use. 
Even the heavy-armed and cavalry, contrary to their 
practice when under arms, conveyed about their persons 
their own food, some because they had no attendants, 
others because they could not trust them; for they had 
long been deserting, and most of them had gone off all 
at once. Nor was the food which they carried sufScient ; 
for the supplies of the camp had failed. Their disgrace 
and the universality of the misery, although there might 
be some consolation in the very community of suffering, 
was nevertheless at that moment hard to bear, espe- 
cially when they remembered from what pomp and 
splendor they had fallen into their present low estate. 
Never had an Hellenic army experienced such a reverse. 
They had come intending to enslave others, and they 
were going away in fear that they would be themselves 
enslaved. Instead of the prayers and hymns with which 
they had put to sea, they were now departing amid 
appeals to heaven of another sort. They were no 
longer sailors, but landsmen, depending not upon their 
fleet, but upon their infantry. Yet in face of the great 
danger which still threatened them all these things 
appeared endurable. . . . 

The army marched disposed in a hollow oblong: the 
division of Nicias leading, and that of Demosthenes fol- 
lowing; the hoplites enclosed within their ranks the 
baggage-carriers and the rest of the army. . . . 

The army was now in a miserable pliglit, being in 
want of every necessary; and by the continual assaults 
of the enemy great numbers of the soldiers had been 
wounded. Nicias and Demosthenes, perceiving their 
condition, resolved during the night to light as many 
watch-fires as possible,- and lead off their forces. They 
intended to take another route and march towards the 
sea in the direction opposite to that from which the 
Syracu'sans were watching them. Now their whole line 
of march lay, not towards Catana, but towards the other 
side of Sicily, in the direction of Camarina and Gela, 
and the cities, Hellenic or Barbarian, of that region. So 



they lighted numerous fires and departed in the night. 
And then, as constantly happens in armies, especially 
in very great ones, and as might be expected when they 
were marching by night in an enemy's country, and with 
the enemy from whom they were flying not far off, there 
arose a panic among them, and they fell into confusion. 
The army of Nicias, which led the way, kept together, 
and was considerably in advance, but that of Demos- 
thenes, which was the larger half, got severed from the 
other division, and marched in less order. . . . 

[Each of these divisions was in turn defeated and 
surrendered.] 

The End. 

. . . The total of the public prisoners when collected 
was not great; for many were appropriated by the sol- 
diers, and the whole of Sicily was full of them, they not 
having capitulated like the troops under Demosthenes. 
A large number also perished; the slaughter at the 
river being very great, quite as great as any which 
took place in the Sicilian war ; and not a few had fallen 
in the frequent attacks which were made upon the 
Athenians during their march. Still many escaped, some 
at the time, others ran away after an interval of slavery, 
and all these found refuge at Catana. 

The Syracusans and their allies collected their forces 
and returned with the spoil, and as many prisoners as 
they could take with them, into the city. The captive 
Athenians and allies they deposited in the quarries, 
which they thought would be the safest place of confine- 
ment. Nicias and Demosthenes they put to the sword, 
although against the will of Gylippus. For Gylippus 
thought that to carry home with him to Lacedaemon the 
generals of the enemy, over and above all his other suc- 
cesses, would be a brilliant triumph. . . . 

Those who were imprisoned in the quarries were at 
the beginning of their captivity harshly treated by the 
Syracusans. There were great numbers of them, and 
they were crowded in a deep and narrow place. At first 
the sun by day was still scorching and suffocating, while 
the autumn nights were cold, and the extremes of tem- 
perature engendered violent disorders. Being cramped 
for room they had to do everything on the same spot. 
The corpses of those who died from their wounds, ex- 
posure to the weather, and the like, lay heaped one upon 
another. The smells were intolerable, and they were at 
the same time afflicted by hunger and thirst. During 
eight months they were allowed only about half a pint 
of water and a pint of food a day. Every kind of 
misery which could befall man in such a place befell 
them. This was the condition of all the captives for 
about ten weeks. At length the Syracusans sold them, 
with the exception of the Athenians and of any Sicilian 
or Italian Greeks who had sided with them in the war. 
The whole number of the public prisoners is not accu- 
rately known, but they were not less than seven 
thousand. 

Of all the Hellenic actions which took place in this 
war, or indeed of all Hellenic actions which are on 
record, this was the greatest — the most glorious to the 
victors, the most ruinous to the vanquished; for they 
were utterly and at all points defeated, and their suffer- 
ings were prodigious. Fleet and army perished from 
the face of the earth; nothing was saved, and of the 
many who went forth few returned home. 

Thus ended the Sicilian expedition.— Thucydides, 
"trans. Jowett, VIII., Ch. 75-87. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Topic A 12. The Triumph and Degradation of Sparta. 

OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 



1. Lysander as a reorganizer. 

a) The Decarchies. 

b) The establishment of the Thirty at Athens. 

c) Critias and Theramenes as representatives of 

their rule. 

d) Thrasybullus, the champion of democracy, and 

the overthrow of the Thirty. 

2. Xenophon and the retreat of the 10,000. 

a) Reasons for the expedition. 

b) The battle of Cunaxa and the retreat. 

c) The results. 

3. Agesilaus and the war with Persia^ 396-386 B. C. 

a) Rivalry of Agesilaus and Lysander. 

b) Character of the two men. 

c) Campaigns of Agesilaus in Asia. 

d) Corinthian War and its connection with the 

Persian War. 

e) Treaty of Antalcidas, 386 B. C. 

4. Epaminondas and the overthrow of Sparta. 

a) Discontent with Spartan rule. 

1) Seizure of the Theban Cadnea, 382 B. C. 

2) Destruction of Mantinea and tlie Chal- 

cidian Confederacy. 

b) Pelopidas and the expulsion of the Spartans 

from Thebes. 

c) The Hellenic Peace Convention (371 B. C.) 

and the claims of Epaminondas. 

d) The military reforms of Epaminondas. 

e) Leuctra, 371 B. C. 

f) Attitude of Thebes toward Greece. 

g) Mantinea and the death of Epaminondas, 367 

B. C. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, ch. 14-15; Botsford, Ancient 
World, ch. 22-23; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 245-248, 250-263; 
Morey, Ancient, pp. 187-193; Myers, Ancient, Sees. 257-271; 
West, Ancient, Sees. 218-231; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 94-95; 
Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 223-234; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 
178-193; Botsford, Greece, ch. 13, pp. 275-283; Morev, Greece, 
pp. 277-284; Mvers, Greece, ch. 22-23; Smith, Greece, "ch. 14-17; 
West, Ancient "World, Part I, Sees. 252-268. 

Collateral Reading. — Allcroft, Sparta and Thebes, ch. 1-5, 
7-10; Bun-, pp. 507-574, 591-628; Creasy; Harrison, pp. 470- 
485; Kimball-Bury, pp. 236-239, 241-256, 264-274; Oman, ch. 
35-36, 38-40; Plutarch, Lives of Lysander, Agis, Agesilaus, 
Pelopidas, Artaxerxes; Sankey, Spartan and Theban Suprema- 
cies; Schuckburgh, ch. 18; Schuckburgh, Greece to A. D. 14, 
pp. 197-199, 206-214; Seignobos, pp. 173-176. 

Additional Reading. — Abbott, Part III, pp. 464-475; Cur- 
tius. Vol. IV; Grote, Vol. VIII, pp. 206-282, Vol. IX, ch. 69- 
75, Vol. X, ch. 76-80; Holm, Vol. II, ch. 30, Vol. Ill, ch. 1-10; 
Souttar, pp. 468-485; Timayenis, Vol. I, pp. 388-447, Vol. II, 
pp. 1-38; Whibly, Greek Studies, pp. 73-75. 

Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 22-23; Davis, Greece, Nos. 100- 
102; Fling, ch. 9-10; Webster, ch. 10; Wright, pp. 365-370. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

(1) Note the changes effected by Lysander among the mem- 
bers of the former Athenian Empire; the form of government 
introduced; the character and rule of the Thirty at Athens and 
their overthrow. 

(2) Note the reasons for the expedition; the route which was 
followed; the part taken by Xenophon in the retreat; and the 
connection between this expedition and the war which followed. 

(3) Note the way in which Agesilaus became the leader in 
Sparta; the causes of the war; his achievements in Asia; the 
interference of Persia and the Corinthian War; and the dis- 
graceful termination of the struggle in the Treaty of 
Antalcidas. 

(4) Sum up reasons for Sparta's unpopularity in Greece; 
her efforts to enforce Treaty of Antalcidas to her own ad- 
vantage; the overthrow of "Sparta by Pelopidas and Epa- 
minondas at Leuctra and Mantinea; and the effort to prevent 
Sparta from future interference in Greek affairs. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

PERSIA AS THE ARBITER OF GREECE. 

In the following extracts from the IleUenica Xeno]ihon tells 
how Persian gold frustrated the successful campaign of Agesi- 
laus in Asia. The cities of Greece presented a curious spec- 
tacle as they sought to climb to power with Persian assistance. 
This intriguing often lead to deeds of violence as was the 
case in Corinth. The rival factions finally placed the settle- 
ment of their internal discord entirely in Persian hands and 
Sparta, in order to save her own position, was willing to 
abandon the Greek cities of Asia Minor to Oriental methods 
of government. Xenophon insists that the Spartan king, 
Agesilaus, was not a party to any such policy. He is possibly 
voicing his own sentiments in this connection. 

The Withdrawal of Agesilaus From Asia. 

But now Tithraustes seemed to have discovered in 
Agesilaus a disposition to despise the fortunes of the 
Persian monarch — he evidently had no intention to 
withdraw from Asia; on the contrary, he was cherishing 
hopes vast enough to include the capture of the king 
himself. Being at his wits' end how to manage mat- 
ters, he resolved to send Tiniocrates the Rhodian to 
Hellas with a gift of gold worth fifty silver talents, and 
enjoined upon him to endeavor to exchange solemn 
pledges with the leading men in the several States, bind- 
ing them to undertake a war against Lacedaemon. Timo- 
crates arrived and began to dole out his presents. In 
Thebes he gave gifts to Androcleidas, Ismenias, and 
Galaxidorus ; in Corinth to Timolaus and Polyanthes ; 
in Argos to Cylon and his party. The Athenians, 
though they took no share of the gold, were none the 
less eager for the war, being of opinion that empire 
was theirs by right. The recipients of the moneys 
forthwith began covertly to attack the Lacedaemonians 
in the respective states and, when they had brought 
these to a sufficient pitch of hatred, bound together the 
most important of them in a confederacy. 

B. C. 394. — . . . Meanwhile the Lacedaemonians at 
home were quite alive to the fact that moneys had Ijcen 
sent into Hellas, and that the bigger states were leagued 
together to declare war against them. It was hard to 
avoid the conclusion that Sparta herself was in actual 
danger and that a campaign was inevitable. While 
busv, therefore, with preparations themselves, they lost 
no time in despatching Epicydidas to fetch Agesilaus. 

B. C. 393. — Subsequently [after Coronea], the war 
between the two parties recommenced. The Athenians, 
Boeotians, Argives, and the other allies made Corinth 
the base of their operations; the Lacedaemonians and 
their allies held Sicyon as theirs. As to the Corinthians, 
they had to face the fact that, owing to their proximity 
to the seat of war, it was their territory which was 
ravaged and their people who perished, while the rest of 
the allies abode in peace and reaped the fruits of their 
lands in due season. Hence the majority of them, in- 
cluding the better class, desired peace, and gathering 
into knots they indoctrinated one another with these 
views. 

B. C. 392. — On the other hand, it could hardly escape 
the notice of the allied powers, the Argives, Athenians, 
and Boeotians, as also those of the Corinthians them- 
selves who had received a share of the king's moneys, 
or for whatever reason were most directly interested in 
the war, that if they did not promptly put the peace 
party out of the way, ten chances to one the old lacon- 
ising policy would again hold the field. It seemed there 
(Continued on Page 4.) 



Copyright. 1913, HcKinley Publishing Co. Philadelphia. Pa. 




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a 

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McKinley's Illustrated Topics lor Ancient History. No. A 12. 

THE GREEK AND PERSIAN SOLDIER. 




Fig-. 1 



Pig- 2 





Fig-, 3 



Fis?. 4 



1. A hoplite. 3. Greek soldiers in combat (from a vase painting). 3. Persian soldiers, i. A Persian war-cliariot. 

SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS. 

How did the equipment of a Greeli and Persian soldier differ? What were the chief weapons used? How was the Greek 
soldier protected? Describe the chariot in Fig. 4? What in the Greek soldier's equipment would make him superior to the 
Persian ? 

Copyright, 1913. McKinley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia, Pa. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. 

was nothing for it but the remedy of the knife. There 
■was a refinement of wickedness in the plan adopted. 
With most people the life even of a legally condemned 
criminal is held sacred during a solemn season, but 
these men deliberately selected the last day of the 
Eucleia, when they might reckon on capturing more 
victims in the crowded market-place, for their mur- 
derous purposes. Their agents were supplied with the 
names of those to be got rid of, the signal was given, 
and then, drawing their daggers, they fell to work. 
Here a man was struck down standing in the centre of 
a group of talkers, and there another seated; a third 
while peaceably enjoying himself at the play; a fourth 
actually whilst officiating as a judge at some dramatic 
contest. When what was taking place became known, 
there was a general flight on the part of the better 
classes. 

The Peace of Antalcidas. 

B. C. 392. — The Lacedaemonians were well informed 
of the proceedings of Conon. They knew that he was 
not only restoring the fortifications of Athens by help of 
the king's gold, but maintaining a fleet at his expense 
besides, and conciliating the islands and seaboard cities 
towards Athens. If, therefore, they could indoctrinate 
Tiribazus — who was a general of the king — with their 
sentiments, they believed they could not fail either to 
draw him aside to their own interests, or, at any rate, 
to put a stop to his feeding Conon's navy. With this 
intention they sent Antalcidas to Tiribazus: his orders 
were to carry out this policy, and, if possible, to ar- 
range a peace between Lacedsemon and the king. The 
Athenians, getting wind of this, sent a counter-embassy, 
consisting of Hermogenes, Dion, Callisthenes, and Cal- 
limedon, with Conon himself. They at the same time 
invited the attendance of ambassadors from the allies, 
and there were also present representatives of the Boeo- 
tians, of Corinth, and of Argos. When they had arrived 
at their destination, Antalcidas explained to Tiribazus 
the object of his visit: he wished, if possible, to cement 
a peace between the state he represented and the king 
— a peace, moreover, exactly suited to the aspirations 
of the king himself; in other words, the Lacedaemonians 
gave up all claim to the Hellenic cities in Asia as 
against the king, while for their own part they were 
content that all the islands and other cities should be 
independent. "Such being our unbiased wishes," he 
continued, "for what earthly reason should [the Hellenes 
or] the king go to war with us.' Or why should he 
expend his money.' The king is guaranteed against 
attack on the part of Hellas, since the Athenians are 
powerless apart from our hegemony, and we are power- 
less so long as the separate states are independent." 
The proposals of Antalcidas sounded very pleasantly 
in the ears of Tiribazus, but to the opponents of Sparta 
they were the merest talk. The Athenians were ap- 
prehensive of an agreement which provided for the in- 
dependence of the. cities in the islands, whereby they 
might be deprived of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros. The 
Thebans, again, were afraid of being compelled to let 
the Boeotian states go free. The Argives did not 
see how such treaty contracts and covenants were com- 
patible with the realisation of their own great object — 
the absorption of Corinth by Argos. And so it came 
to pass that this peace proved abortive, and the repre- 
sentatives departed each to his own home. 

Tiribazus, on his side, thought it hardly consistent 
with his own safety to adopt the cause of the Lace- 
daemonians without the concurrence of the king — a 
scruple which did not prevent him from privately pre- 



senting Antalcidas with a sum of money, in hopes that 
when the Athenians and their allies discovered that the 
Lacedaemonians had the wherewithal to furnish a fleet, 
they might perhaps be more disposed to desire peace. 
Further, accepting the statements of the Lacedaemonians 
as true, he took on himself to secure the person of Conon, 
as guilty of wrongdoing towards the king, and shut him 
up. That done, he set off up country to the king to 
recount the proposals of Lacedaemon, with his own sub- 
sequent capture of Conon as a mischievous man, and to 
ask for further guidance on all these matters. . . . 

. . . The Athenians could not but watch with alarm 
the growth of the enemy's fleet, and began to fear a 
repetition of their former discomfiture. To be trampled 
under foot by the hostile power seemed indeed not 
remote possibilitj^, now that the Lacedaemonians had 
procured an ally in the person of the Persian monarch, 
and they were in little less than a state of siege them- 
selves, pestered as they were by privateers from Aegina. 
On all these grounds the Athenians became passionately 
desirous of peace. The Lacedaemonians were equally 
out of humour with the war for various reasons — what 
with their garrison duties, one mora at Lechaeum, and 
another at Orchomenus, and the necessity of keeping 
watch and ward on the states, if loyal not to lose them, 
if disaffected to prevent their revolt; not to mention 
that reciprocity of annoyance of which Corinth was the 
centre. So again the Argives had a strong appetite for 
peace; they knew that the ban had been called out 
against them, and, it was plain, that no fictitious altera- 
tion of the calendar would any longer stand them in 
good stead. Hence, when Tiribazus issued a summons 
calling on all who were willing to listen to the terms 
of peace sent down by the king to present themselves, 
the invitation was promptly accepted. At the opening 
of the conclave Tiribazus pointed to the king's seal 
attached to the document, and proceeded to read the 
contents, which ran as follows : — 

"The king, Artaxerxes, deems it just that the cities 
in Asia, with the islands of Clazomenae and Cyprus, 
should belong to himself; the rest of the Hellenic cities 
he thinks it just to leave independent, both small and 
great, with the exception of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scy- 
ros, which three are to belong to Athens as of yore. 
Should any of the parties concerned not accept this 
peace, I, Artaxerxes, will war against him or them with 
those who share my views. This will I do by land and 
by sea, with ships and with money." 

— Extracts, Xenophon trans. Dakyns Hellenica III., 
Ch. 5; IV., Ch. 1-2, 4, 8; V., Ch. L 



Again, if it is a sacred duty to hate the Persian, who 
of old set out on a campaign to enslave Hellas; the 
Persian, who today makes alliance with these (no mat- 
ter to him which the party, provided it will help him 
to work the greater mischief) ; or gives presents to 
those (who will take them and do the greatest harm 
to his foes the Hellenes) ; or else concocts a peace that 
shall presently involve us in internecine war, as he an- 
ticipates: — but why dwell on facts so patent? — I ask,. 
did ever Hellene before Agesilaus so enter heart and 
soul upon his duty; whether it were to help some tribe 
to throw off the Persian yoke, or to save from destruc- 
tion a revolted district, or if nothing else, at any rate 
to saddle the Persian with such troubles of his own 
that he should cease to trouble Hellas? An ardent 
hater of Persia surely was he, who, when his own 
country was at war with Hellenes, did not neglect the 
common good of Hellas, but set sail to wreak what 
harm he might upon the barbarian. — Xenophon, trans. 
Dakyns, Agesilaus, Ch. 7. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Topic A 13. Alexander and His World Empire. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. Philip of Macedon and the conquest of Greece. 

a) Weakness of Greece. 

b) Attempts of Athens to regain power. 

c) Attemjjts of Philip to obtain a seaboard. 

d) Opposition of Athens — ^Eschines and Demos- 

thenes. 

e) Interference in Central Greece. 

1) Occasion. 

2) Chaeronea and tlic supremacy of Mace- 

don. 

f) Plans for the conquest of Persia. 

2. Alexander the Great. 

a) Preparation for his career — Aristotle. 

b) Suppression of revolts in Greece. 

c) Invasion of Persia. 

1) Route. 

2) Granicus, Issus, Arbela and Hj'daspes. 

3) Extent of his conquests. 

d) Plans for the organization of his empire, 
c) Death and character. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks.— Botsfnrd, Ancient, Sees. 181-188, 190-197; Bots- 
forti, Ancient World, ch. 34-25; Goodspeed, Sees. 269-300; 
Morey, Aneient, eli. 15; Mvers, Ancient, cli. 25-26; Webster, 
Ancient, Sees. 9G, 100-109; West, Ancient, Sees. 232-2-15; Wes- 
termann, Sees. 237-244, 252-270; Wolfson, Ancient, ch. 16-17; 
Botsford, Greece, pp. 297-318; Morey, Greece, ch. 24-25; 
Mvers, Greece, ch. 25-26; Smith, Greece, ch. 19-20; West, An- 
cient World, Part I, Sees. 269-286. 

Collateral Reading:. — Allcroft, Decline of Hellas, ch. 1-8; 
Benjamin, Persia, pp. 141-151; Creasy, ch. 3; Curteis, Rise of 
Macedonian Empire; Harrison, ch. 41; Kimball-Bury, ch. 18- 
20; Oman, ch. 41-44; Plutarch, Lives of Alexander and 
Demosthenes; Schucklnirgh, ch. 19-20; Schuckburgh, Greece to 
A. D. 14, pp. 215-233; Seignobos, pp. 176-183; Wheeler, 
Alexander. 

Additional Reading. — Cunningham, Western Civilization, 
Vol. I, Book II, ch. 3; Curtius, Vol. V; Dodge, Alexander; 
Grote, Vol. XI, ch. 86-91, Vol. XII, ch. 92-94; Hogarth, 
Philip and Alexander of Macedon; Holm, Vol. Ill, ch. 13-27; 
Mahaffy, Alexander's Empire, ch. 1-4; Mahaffy, Problems, ch. 
7-8; Timayenis, Vol. II, pp. 61-148; Verschoyle, Ancient Civili- 
zation, ch. 10; Whibly, Greek Studies, pp. 76-83. 

Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 24; Davis, Greece, Kos. 103- 
118; Fling, ch. 11-12; Webster, ch. 12-13; AVright, pp. 417-428. 

SUGGESTION'S. 

(1) Xote the weakness of the three once powerful cities — 
Sparta. Athens and Thebes at Philip's accession; the obstacles 
which Philip had to remove before Macedon could play an im- 
portant part in Greek affairs; his efforts to secure a seaboard 
and what this meant to his country's development; his con- 
temporar)' efforts to play a leading role in Central Greece 
with the vain efforts of Demosthenes to prevent same; and 
the final success at Cfiaeronea. 

(2) Xote especially Alexander's splendid training for his 
career; the dangerous situation in which he found himself at 
his father's death ; his invasion of Persia, following carefully 
the route, and noting the significance of each event; the extent 
of his conquests; and his plans for the reorganization of the 
Persian Empire. 

SOURCE-STUDY. 

THE ATTACKS OF DEMOSTHENES UPOX 
PHILIP. 

The First Philippic was delivered in 351 B. C. Philip had 
already secured possession of iVmphipolis, Methone and Pydna; 
and in fact was master of the Northern JEgean. He had been 
foiled, however, in his effort to enter Greece through Ther- 
mopylae. This speech has been styled the most eloquent and 
efFective of the series of attacks which he now made upon the 
indifferentism and lack of patriotism shown by the Athenians. 
The Second Philippic was delivered in 344 B. C, and the 
Third in 341 B. C. From 351 to 340 B. C, Demosthenes was 
the chief of the opposition with the peace party, of which 

Copyright. 1913, McKinley Pul 



Acschincs was the spokesman, in actual power. Frnni 340 
to 338 B. C, however, the war party was in control and Demos- 
thenes was master of the situation. The following extracts can 
be better understood and appreciated if these facts are borne 
in mind as they are read. 

First I say, you must not despond, Athenians, under 
your present circumstances, wretched as they are; for 
that which is worst in them as regards the past, is best 
for the future. What do I mean? Tliat your affairs 
are amiss, men of Athens, because you do nothing wiiich 
is needful ; if, notwithstanding you performed your 
duties, it were the same, there would be no hope of 
amendment. . . . 

... If you, Athenians, will adopt this princijilc 
now, though you did not before, and every man, where 
he can and ought to give his service to the state, be 
ready to give it without excuse, the wealthy to con- 
tribute, the able-bodied to enlist; in a word, plainly, 
if you will become I'our own masters, and cease each 
expecting to do nothing himself, while his neighbour 
does everything for him, you shall then with heaven's 
permission recover j'our own, and get back what has 
been frittered away, and chastise Philip. . . . For you 
see, Athenians, the case, to what pitch of arrogance the 
man has advanced, who leaves you not even the choice 
of action or inaction, but threatens and uses (thcj' say) 
outrageous language, and, unable to rest in possession 
of his conquests, continually widens their circle, and, 
whilst we dally and delay, throws his net all around 
us. When then, Athenians, when will ye act as be- 
comes you? In wliat event? In that of necessity, I 
suppose. And how shall we regard the events happen- 
ing now? Methinks, to freemen the strongest necessity 
is the disgrace of their condition. Or tell me, do ye 
like walking about and asking one another: — is there 
any news? Why, could there be greater news than a 
man of Macedonia subduing Athenians, and directing 
the affairs of Greece? Is Philip dead? No, but he is 
sick. And wliat matters it to you? Should anything 
befall this man, you will soon create another Philip, if 
you attend to business thus. . . . 

. . . The way we manage things now is a mockery. 
For if you were asked: Are you at peace, Athenians? 
No, indeed, you would say; we are at war with Philip. 
Did you not choose from yourselves ten captains and 
generals, and also captains and two generals of horse? 
How are they employed? Except one man, wliom you 
commission on service abroad, the rest conduct your 
processions with the sacrificers. I. ike puppet-makers, 
you elect your infantry and cavalr}- officers for the 
market-place, not for war. . . . 

. . . For my part, Athenians, by the gods I believe, 
tliat Philip is intoxicated with the magnitude of his 
ex])loits, and has many such dreams in his imagination, 
seeing the absence of opponents, and elated by success; 
but most cert.Tinly he has no such plan of action, as to 
let the silliest people among us know what his inten- 
tions are : for the silliest are these newsmongers. Let us 
dismiss such talk, and remember only that Philip is an 
enemy, who robs us of our own and has long insulted 
us; that wherever we have expected aid from any 
quarter, it has been fond hostile, and that the future 
depends on ourselves, and unless we are willing to fight 
him there, we shall perhaps be compelled to fight here. 
This let us remember, and then we shall have determined 
wisely, and have done with idle conjectures. You need 
not pry into the future, but assure yourselves it will be 

(Continued on Page 4.) n 

lishmg Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics (or Ancient History. No. A 13. 

ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 




The physical appearance of Alexander. 1. Coin, showing head of .-\lexander, with the horns of Jupiter .\mmon. pos- 
sibly talven from tlie statue-portrait by Lvsippus (reproduced by permission from B. I. Wheeler's "Alexander the Great,"' 
published by G. P. Putnam's Sons). '-2. Head, from a statue in a Munich museum. 3. .Alexander hunting, from the so- 
called Sarcophagus of Alexander. 

SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS. 

Compare the descriptions of Alexander with these portraits. Are thev true to life? Which is probably the best likeness, 
and why? 

Copyright. 1913, McKinley Publishing Co. . Philadelphia, ra. ff 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



SOURCE-STUDY- Continued. 

disastrous, unless you attend to your duty, and are will- 
ing to act as becomes j'ou. — Extracts, First Philippic, 
trans. Kennedy. 

... By the gods, I will tell you the truth frankly 
and without reserve. Not that I may fall a- wrangling, 
to provoke recrimination before you, and afford m}' old 
adversaries a fresh pretext for getting more from 
Philip, nor for the purpose of idle garrulitj'. But I 
imagine that what Philip is doing will grieve you here- 
after more than it does now. I see the thing progress- 
ing, and would that my surmises were false; but I doubt 
it is too near already. So when you are able no longer 
to disregard events, when, instead of hearing from me 
or others that these measures are against Athens, you 
all see it yourselves, and know it for certain, I expect 
you will be wrathful and exasperated. I fear then, as 
your ambassadors have concealed the purpose for wliich 
the}^ know thej' were corrupted, those who endeavor to 
repair what the others have lost may chance to encounter 
your resentment; for I see it is a practice with man^^ 
to vent their anger, not upon the guilty, but on persons 
most in their jaower. Whilst therefore the mischief is 
only coming and preparing, whilst we hear one another 
speak, I wish every man, though he knows it well, to 
be reminded, who it was persuaded you to abandon 
Phocis and Thermopylae, by the command of which 
Philip commands the road to Attica and Peloponnesus, 
and has brought it to this, that your deliberation must 
be, not about claims and interests abroad, but concern- 
ing the defence of your home and a war in Attica, 
which will grieve every citizen when it comes, and 
indeed it has commenced from that day. Had you not 
been then deceived, there would be nothing to distress 
the state. Philip would certainly never have prevailed 
at sea and come to Attica with a fleet, nor would he have 
marched with a land-force by Phocis and Thermopj'lae : 
he must either have acted honorablj^, observing the peace 
and keeping quiet, or been immediately in a war similar 
to that which made him desire the peace. Enough has 
been said to awaken recollection. Grant, O ye gods, 
it be not all fully confirmed ! I would have no man 
punished, though death he may deserve, to the damage 
and danger of the country. — Conclusion, Second Philip- 
pic, trans. Kennedy. 

If we really await until he avows that he is at war 
with us, we are the simplest of mortals: for he would 
not declare that, though he marched even against At- 
tica and Piraeus, at least if we may judge from his 
conduct to others. For example, to the Olynthians he 
declared, when he was forty furlongs from their city, 
that there was no alternative, but either thej^ must quit 
Olynthus or he Macedonia; though before that time, 
whenever he was accused of such an intent, he took it 
ill and sent ambassadors to justify himself. Again, he 
marched towards the Phocians as if they were allies, and 
there were Phocian envoys who accompanied his march, 
and many among you contended that his advance would 
not benefit the Thebans. And he came into Thessaly 
of late as a friend and ally, yet he has taken possession 
of Pherae; and lastly he told these wretched people of 
Oreus, that he had sent his soldiers out of good-will 
to visit them, as he heard they were in trouble and dis- 
sension, and it was the part of allies and true friends 
to lend assistance on such occasions. . . . 

That Philip from a mean and humble origin has 
grown mighty, that the Greeks are jealous and quarrel- 



ing among themselves, that it was far more wonderful 
of him to rise from that insignificance, than it would 
now be, after so many acquisitions, to conquer what is 
left; these and similar matters, which I might dwell 
upon, I pass over. But I observe that all people, begin- 
ning with you, have conceded to him a right, which in 
former times has been the subject of contest in every 
Grecian war. And what is this ? The right of doing 
what he pleases, openly fleecing and pillaging the 
Greeks, one after another, attacking and enslaving their 
cities. You were at the head of the Greeks for seventy- 
three years, the Lacedaemonians for twenty-nine ; and the 
Thebans had some power in these latter times after the 
battle of Leuctra. Yet neither you, my countrj'men, 
nor Thebans nor Lacedaemonians, were ever licensed by 
the Greeks to act as j'ou pleased ; far otherwise. When 
j^ou, or rather the Athenians of that time, appeared to 
be dealing harshly with certain people, all the rest, 
even such as had no complaint against Athens, thought 
proper to side with the injured parties in a war against 
her. So, when the Lacedaemonians became masters and 
succeeded to your empire, on their attempting to encroach 
and make oppressive innovations, a general war was 
declared against them, even by such as had no cause of 
complaint. But wherefore mention other people? We 
ourselves and the Lacedaemonians, although at the out- 
set we could not allege any mutual injuries, thought 
proper to make war for the injustice that we saw done 
to our neighbors. Yet all the faults committed by the 
Spartans in those thirty years, and by our ancestors in 
the seventy, are less, men of Athens, than the wrongs 
which, in thirteen incomplete years that Philip has been 
uppermost, he has inflicted on the Greeks: nay they 
are scarcely a fraction of these, as may easily be shown 
in a few words. . . . 

r ' 

But what has caused the mischief? There must be 
some cause, some good reason, why the Greeks were 
CO eager for liberty then, and now are eager for servi- 
tude. There was something, men of Athens, something 
in the hearts of the multitude then, which there is not 
now, which overcame the wealth of Persia and main- 
tained the freedom of Greece, and quailed not under 
any battle by land or sea; the loss whereof has ruined 
all, and thrown the affairs of Greece into confusion. 
What was this ? Nothing subtle or clever ; simply that 
v/hoever took money from the aspirants for power or 
the corruptors of Greece were universally detested; it 
was dreadful to be convicted of bribery; the severest 
punishment was inflicted on the guilty, and there was 
no intercession or pardon. The favorable moments for 
enterprise, which fortune frequently offers to the care- 
less against the vigilant, to them that will do nothing 
against those that discharge all their duty, could not be 
bought from orators or generals ; no more could mutual ; 
concord, nor distrust of tj^rants and barbarians, or any- 
thing of the kind. But now all such principles have 
been sold as in open market, and those imported in 
exchange, by which Greece is ruined and diseased. 
What are they? Envy where a man gets a bribe; 
laughter if he confesses it ; mercy to the convicted ; 
hatred of those that denounce the crime; all the usual 
attendants upon corruption. For as to ships and men 
and revenues and abundance of other materials, all that 
may be reckoned as constituting national strength — as- 
suredly' the Greeks of our day are more fully and per- 
fectly supplied with such advantages than Greeks of 
the olden time. But they are all rendered useless, un- 
available, unprofitable, by the agency of these traflScers. 
— Third Philippic, trans. Kennedy. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Topic A 14. Later Greek Thought in Literature and Philosophy. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. Xenophon and his work. 

a. His career. 

b. His writings. 

2. The perfection of Greek philosophy and its decline. 

a. The first stage (to -150 B. C.) — Interest in nat- 

ure. 

(1) The chief centers. 

(2) Beginnings of the sciences. 

b. The second stage — Interest in the Mind. 

(1) The Sophists. 

(2) Rhetoric and philosophy, 
e. The third stage — Interest in the soul. 

(1) Socrates. 

(a) His teachings. 

(b) His pupils. 

(c) His death. 

(2) Plato and the Old Academy. 

(a) Relations with Socrates. 

(b) His writings. 

(3) Aristotle and the Lyceum. 

(a) His logic and its influence. 

(b) His contributions to the sciences. 
d. The period of decline — the Hellenistic jDeriod. 

(1) The Cynics. 

(2) Epicurus and his influence. 

(3) The Stoics and their teachings. 

3. The perfection of oratory. 

a. Lysias and Isocrates. 

(1) Lysias, the professional speechmakcr. 

(2) Isocrates and the unity of Greece. 

b. Aeschines and Demosthenes. 

( 1 ) Their divergent views. 

(2) The Philippics. 

4. Influence of Alexandria — the Hellenistic Age. 

a. Interest in geography and science. 

( 1 ) Archimedes. 

(2) Euclid. 

b. Rise of critical literature. 

c. The new schools of philosophy. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 97, 134, 156, 189, 203; 
Botsford, Ancient World, Sees. 183, 24.2, 274-2T5, 324-328, 
345-348; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 132, 225, 229, 265-267, 298- 
299, 312, 314-315, 324; Morey, Ancient, pp. 140-142, 213-219, 
245-248, 250, 254-256; Myers, Ancient, Sees. 260, 341-362; 
Webster, Ancient, Sees. 98-99, 114-117; West, Ancient, Sees. 
142, 207, 255, 257-258; Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 210-211, 
235-236, 245-250, 297-302, 304-308; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 
146, 310, 317-325; Botsford, Greece, pp. 92-96, 186-187, 217- 
220, 223-226, 286-292, 320-322; Morev, Greece, pp. 161-164, 
199-201, 248, 287-293, 320-323, 325-326, 3.30-332, 346-354; 
Myers, Greece, pp. 400-402, 515-541; Smith, Greece, pp. 228- 
232, 384-395; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 156, 223-227, 
312-313, 315-320. 

Collateral Reading.— Burv, pp. 319-321, 385-388, 576-585, 
667-669, 833-836; Capps, Homer to Theocritus, pp. 330-338, 
eh. 14-18; Harrison, eh. 37; 137-144; Jebbs, pp. 109-115, 137- 
144, ch. 3; Kimball-Burv, pp. 189-191, 239-240, 256-260; Mur- 
ray, Greek Literature, eh. 7, 14-18; Schuckburgh, pp. 354-356, 
363-371; Schuckburgh, Greece to A. D. 14, pp. 199-205, 240- 
244, 348-364, 397, 399-403; Seignobos, pp. 162-165, 185-187, 
197-198. 

Additional Reading. — Croiset, Greek Literature, eh. 9, 17, 
19-20, 22-25; Curtius, Vol. V, bk. VII, pp. 149-200, 490-495; 
Fowler, Greek Literature, eh. 13, 25-35; Grote, Vol. IV. pp. Unj 
272-274, Vol. V, ch. .37; Vol. VHI, pp. 311-359, IX, ch. 68; 



, pp. , , 

Holm, Vol. I, pp. 339-350; Vol. 11, ch. 25; Vol. Ill, eh. 2, 
pp. 152-168, 421-430; Vol. IV, eh. 6, 14, 20, 24; Jevons, Greek 
Literature, Part II, bk. I, eh. 4-5, bk. II, ch. 1-8, bk. Ill, ch. 1; 
Mahaffy, Greek Classical Literature, Vol. II, Part I, ch. 1, 



3-4, 6-7, Part II, eh. 1-7; Mahaffy, Greek Life, ch. 7, pp. 206- 
211, 234-303; Mahaffy, Survey Greek Civilization, pp. 165-184, 
196-199, 201-204, 256-277, 282-287; Mahaffy, What Have the 
Greeks Done for Civilization, ch. 3, 6-8; Perry, Greek Litera- 
ture, bk. IV, eh. 3, bk. V, ch. 1-2, bk. VI, ch. 1-3, bk. VII, ch. 
1-3; Verschoyle, pp. 168-177, 202-204; Whibly, pp. 129-149, 
1C3-207; Wright, Greek Literature, ch. 8, 16-22. 

Source Books.— Botsford, pp. 147-150, 236-239, 247-256, 
290-295, 306-308; Davis, Xos. 89-92, 99, 102; Fling, ch. 8; 
Webster, ch. 10-12; Wright, pp. 350-438. 

SUGGESTIOXS. 
Note the attention given to prose writing immediately after 
the age of Pericles; the development of jihilosophy, reaching 
its highest point of perfection in the teachings of the three 
great philosoiihers; the teachings of the different schools of 
philosophy in the later period; the influence of .Mexandria in 
the Hellenistic period, and the comparative absence of original 
works of great excellence. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

SOCRATES AND PLATO. 

Altliough Socrates has been called "the greatest figure in 
the history of Greek thought," he left behind him no writings. 
Our knowledge of him is derived, therefore, mainly from the 
writings of his pupils of whom Plato was the most famous. 
Plato wrote forty-two dialogues, and he always makes Socrates 
one of the characters in these dialogues and puts alibis doctrines 
in the mouth of his teacher and master. The extracts quoted 
from Aristophanes illustrate the nature of the earlier attacks 
upon him which ultimately culminated in his trial and death. The 
parody of the Just and Unjust Arguments will help illustrate 
the dialectic method of reasoning which Socrates did so much 
to develop, using question and answer to bring out the essen- 
tial truths desired. The extracts from the Apology or defense 
of Socrates, and that from the Phaedo not only make clear 
the charges against him, but throw light upon his personality, 
his methods of inquiry after truth, and his actual teachings. 
The Phoedo is the most famous of Plato's writings, "not only 
on account of the su1)lime picture of Socrates' death, of a 
pathos unapproaehed in literature, but also on account of the 
infinite importance for mankind of the main subject." 

Strepsiades. But who hangs dangling in tlie basket 

yonder .' 
Student. HIMSELF. 
Str. And who's HIMSELF.? 
Stud. Why, Socrates. 

Str. Ho, Socrates ! — call him, you fellow — call loud. 
Stud. Call him yourself. I've got no time for calling. 
Str. Ho, Socrates ! Sweet, darling Socrates ! 
Socrates. Why callest thou me, poor creature of a day.'' 
Str. First tell me, pray, what are you doing up there? 
Soc. I walk in air, and contemplate the sun. 
Str. Oh, that's the way that you despise the Gods — 
You get so near them on your perch there — eh ? 
Soc. I never could have found out things divine, 
Had I not hung my mind up there, and mixed 
My subtle intellect with its kindred air. 
Had I regarded such things from below, 
I had learnt nothing. For the earth absorbs 
Into itself the moisture of the brain. 
It is the very same case with water-cresses. 
Str. Dear me ! So water-cresses grow by thinking ! 
— Aristophanes, trans. Collins, Clouds. 



The Just and the Unjust Arguments. 



ust A. Come now — from what class do our lawyers 
spring.'' 



Just A. Well — from blackguards. 
Unj. A. I believe you. Tell me 
Again, what arc our tragic poets? 



Copyright. 1913. HcKmley Pablishing Co., Philadelphia, Pa. 



McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Just A. Blackguards. 

Unjust A. Good; and our public orators? 

Just A. Blackguards all. 

Unj. A. D'ye see now, how absurd and utterly worth- 
less your arguments have been? And now look 
round. {Turning to the audience.) 
Which class among our friends here seem most nu- 
merous ? 

Just A. I'm looking. 

Unj. A. M^ell; now tell me what you see. 

Just A. {After gravely and attentively examining the 
•rows of spectators.) The blackguards have it by 
a large majority. 

There's one I know — and yonder there's another — 

And there, again, that fellow with long hair. — Aristo- 
phanes, trans. Collins, Clouds. 



... "I must beg of you to grant me one favor, which 
is this, — if you hear me using the same words in my 
defense which I have been in the habit of using, and 
which most of you may have heard in the agora, and 
at the tables of" the money-changers, or anywhere else, 
I would ask you not to be surprised at this, and not 
to interrupt me. For I am more than seventy years of 
age, and this is the first time that I have ever appeared 
in a court of law, and I am quite a stranger to the 
ways of the place; and therefore I would have you 
regard me as if I were really a stranger, whom you 
would excuse if he spoke in his native tongue, and after 
the fashion of his country: that I think is not an un- 
fair request. Never mind the manner, which may or 
may not be good; but think only of the justice of my 
cause, and give heed to that: let the judge decide justly 
and the speaker speak truly. . . . 

"I will begin at the beginning, and ask what the ac- 
cusation is which has given rise to this slander of me, 
and which has encouraged Meletus to proceed against 
me. What do the slanderers say? They shall be my 
prosecutors, and I will sum up their words in an af- 
fidavit: 'Socrates is an evil-doer, and a curious person, 
who searches into things under the earth and in heaven, 
and he makes the worse appear the better cause; and 
he teaches the aforesaid doctrines to others.' That is 
the nature of the accusation, and that is what you have 
seen yourselves in the comedy of Aristophanes, who has 
introduced a man whom he calls Socrates, going about 
and saying that he can walk in the air, and talking a 
deal of nonsense concerning matters of which I do not 
pretend to know either much or little — not that I mean 
to say anything disparaging of any one who is a student 
of natural philosophy. . . . 

... "I will endeavor to explain to you the origin of 
this name of 'wise,' and of this evil fame. ... I will 
refer you to a witness who is worthy of credit, and will 
tell you about my wisdom — whether I have any, and of 
what sort — and that witness shall be the God of Del- 
phi. You must have known Cha;rephon; he was early 
a friend of mine, and also a friend of yours, for he 
shared in the exile of the people, and returned with 
you. Well, Chserephon, as you know, was very impet- 
uous in all his doings, and he went to Delphi and boldly 
asked the oracle to tell him whether — as I was saying, 
I must beg you not to interrupt — he asked the oracle 
to tell him whether there was anyone wiser than I was, 
and the Pythian prophetess answered, that there was 
no man wiser. Chaerephon is dead himself; but his 
brother, who is in court, will confirm the truth of this 
story. 



"Why do I mention this? Because I am going 
to explain to you why I have such an evil name. When 
I heard the answer, I said to myself. What can the 
god mean? and what is the interpretation of this rid- 
dle? for I know that I have no wisdom, small or great. 
What can he mean when he says that I am the wisest 
of men? And yet he is a god and cannot lie; that 
would be against his nature. After a long considera- 
tion, I at last thought of a method of trying the ques- 
tion. I reflected that if I could only find a man wiser 
than myself, then I might go to the god with the refuta- 
tion in my hand. . . . Accordingly I went to one who 
had the reputation of wisdom, and observed to him — his 
name I need not mention ; he was a politician whom I 
selected for examination — and the result was as follows: 
When I began to talk with him, I could not help think- 
ing that he was not really wise, although he was thought 
wise by many, and wiser still by himself; and I went 
and tried to explain to him that he thought himself 
wise, but was not really wise; and the consequence was 
that he hated me, and his enmity was shared by several 
who were present and heard me. So I left him, saying 
to myself, as I went away : Well, although I do not 
suppose that either of us knows anything really beau- 
tiful and good, I am better off than he is, — for he 
knows nothing, and thinks that he knows. I neither 
know nor think that I know. In this latter particular, 
then, I seem to have slightly the advantage of him. . . . 

"I have said enough in my defense against the first 
class of my accusers; I turn to the second class who 
are headed by Meletus, that good and patriotic man, 
as he calls himself. . . . What do they say? Some- 
thing of this sort: That Socrates is a doer of evil, and 
corrupter of the youth, and he does not believe in the 
gods of the State, and has other new divinities of his 
own. That is the sort of charge; and now let us ex- 
amine the particular counts. He says that I am a doer 
of evil, who corrupt the youth; but I say, O men of 
Athens, that Meletus is a doer of evil, and the evil is 
that he makes a joke of a serious matter, and is too 
ready at bringing other men to trial from a pretended 
zeal and interest about matters in which he really 
never had the smallest interest. And the truth of this 
I will endeavor to prove. . . . 

"Friends, who would have acquitted me, I would lite 
also to talk with you about tliis thing which has hap- 
pened, while the magistrates are busy, and before I go 
to the place at which I must die. . . . You are my 
friends, and I should like to show you the meaning of 
this event which has happened to me. O my judges — 
for you I may truly call judges — I should like to tell 
you of a wonderful circumstance. Hitherto the familiar 
oracle within me has constantly been in the habit of 
opposing me even about trifles, if I was going to make 
a slip or error about anything; and now as you see 
there has come upon me that which may be thought, 
and is generally believed to be, the last and worst evil. 
But the oracle made no sign of opposition, either as I 
was leaving my house and going out in the morning, 
or when I was going up into this court, or while I was 
speaking, at anything which I was going to say; and 
yet I have often been stopped in the middle of a speech, 
but now in nothing I either said or did touching this 
matter has the oracle opposed me. What do I take to 
be the explanation of this? I will tell you. I regard 
this as a proof that what has happened to me is a good, 
and that those of us who think that death is an evil are 
in error. This is a great proof to me of what I am 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. No. A 14. 



saying, for the customary sign would surely have op- 
posed me had I been going to evil and not to good. 

"Let us reflect in another way, and we shall see that 
there is great reason to hope that death is a good, for 
one of two things : either death is a state of nothing- 
ness and utter unconsciousness, or, as men say, there 
is a change and migration of the soul from this world 
to another. Now if you supjiose that there is no con- 
sciousness, but a sleep like the sleep of him who is 
undisturbed even by the sight of dreams, death will be 
an unspeakable gain. For if a person were to select 
the night in which his sleep was undisturbed even by 
dreams, and were to compare with this the other days 
and nights of his life, and then were to tell us how 
many days and nights he had passed in the course of 
his life better and more pleasantly than this one, I 
think that any man, I will not say a private man, but 
even the great king will not find many such daj's or 
nights, when compared with the others. Now if death 
is like this, I say that to die is gain ; for eternity is 
then only a single night. But if death is the journey 
to another place, and there, as men say, all the dead 
are, what good, O my friends and judges, can be greater 
than this ? If indeed when the pilgrim arrives in the 
world below, he is delivered from the professors of jus- 
tice in this world, and finds the true judges who are 
said to give judgment there, Minos and Rhadamanthus 
and JEcus and Triptolemus, and other sons of God wlio 
were righteous in their own life, that pilgrimage will 
be worth making. What would not a man give if he 
might converse with Orpheus and Musaeus and Hesiod 
and Homer? Nay, if this be true, let me die again 
and again. I, too, shall have a wonderful interest in a 
place where I can converse with Palamedes, and Ajax 
the son of Telamon, and other heroes of old, who have 
suffered death through an unjust judgment; and there 
will be no small pleasure, as I think, in comparing my 
own sufferings with theirs. Above all, I shall be able 
to continue my search into true and false knowledge; 
as in this world, so also in that; I shall find out who 
is wise, and who pretends to be wise, and is not. What 
would not a man give, O judges, to be able to examine 
the leader of the great Trojan expedition; or Odysseus 
or Sisyphus, or numberless others, men and women too ! 
What infinite delight would there be in conversing with 
them and asking them questions ! For in that world 
they do not put a man to death for this ; certainly not. 
For besides being happier in that world than in this, 
they will be immortal, if what is said is true. 

"Wherefore, O judges, be of good cheer about death, 
and know this of a truth — that no evil can happen to 
a good man, either in life or after death. He and his 
are not neglected by the gods; nor has my own ap- 
proaching end happened by mere chance. But I see 
clearly that to die and be released was better for me ; 
and therefore the oracle gave no sign. For which rea- 
son, also, I am not angry with my accusers or my con- 
demners; they have done me no harm, although neither 
of them meant to do me any good; and for this I may 
gently blame them. 

"Still I have a favor to ask of them. When my sons 
are grown up, I would ask you, O my friends, to punish 
them; and I would have you trouble them, as I have 
troubled you, if they seem to care about riches, or any- 
thing, more than about virtue; or if they pretend to be 
something when they are really nothing, — then reprove 
them, as I have reproved you, for not caring about that 
for which they ought to care, and thinking that they 



are something when they are really nothing. And if 
you do this, I and my sons will have received justice 
at A-our hands. 

"The hour of departure has arrived, and we go our 
ways — I to die, and you to live. Wliich is better God 
only knows." — Plato, trans. Jowett, Apology. 

THE DEATH OF SOCRATES. 

After talking at some length upon tlie immortalitj' of 
the soul, Socrates concluded as follows: 

"Wherefore, Simmias, seeing all tliese things, what 
ought not we to do that we may obtain virtue and wis- 
dom in this life? Fair is the prize, and the hope 
great ! 

"A man of sense ought not to say, nor will I be very 
confident, that tlie description wliich I have given of 
the soul and her mansions is exactly true. But I do 
say that, inasmuch as the soul is sliown to be immortal, 
he may venture to think, not improperly or unworthily, 
that something of the kind is true. The venture is a 
glorious one, and he ought to comfort himself with 
words like these, which is the reason why I lengthen 
out the tale. W'herefore, I say, let a man be of good 
cheer about his soul, who having cast away tlie ])lcas- 
ures and ornaments of the body, as alien to him and 
working harm rather than good, has sought after the 
pleasures of knowledge; and has arrayed the soul, not 
in some foreign attire, but in her own proper jewels, 
temperance, and justice, and courage, and nobility, and 
truth — in these adorned she is ready to go on her jour- 
ney to the world below, when her hour conies. You, 
Simmias and Cebes, and all other men, will depart at 
some time or other. Me already, as a tragic poet would 
say, the voice of fate calls. Soon I must drink the 
poison; and I think that I had better repair to tlic bath 
first in order that the women may not have the trouble 
of washing my body after I am dead." 

When he had done speaking, Crito said: "And have 
you any commands for us, Socrates — anj'thing to say 
about your children, or any other matter in which we 
can serve you?" 

"Notliing particular, Crito," he replied; "only, as I 
have always told you, take care of yourselves ; that is 
a service which you may be ever rendering to me and 
mine and to all of us, whether you promise to do so or 
not. But if you have no thought for yourselves, and 
care not to walk according to the rule which I have 
prescribed for you, not now for tlie first time, however 
much you may profess or promise at the moment, it 
will be of no avail." 

"We will do our best," said Crito; "and in what way 
shall we bury you?" 

"In any way that you like; but you must get hold of 
me, and take care that I do not run away from you." 
Then he turned to us and added with a smile: "I can- 
not make Crito believe that I am the same Socrates who 
has been talking and conducting the argument; he fan- 
cies that I am the other Socrates whom he will soon 
see, a dead bod^- — and he asks. How shall he bury me? 
And though I have spoken many words in the endeavor 
to show that when I have drunk the poison I shall 
leave you and go to the joys of the blessed, — these 
words of mine, with which I was comforting you and 
myself, have had, as I perceive, no effect upon Crito. 
And therefore I want you to be surety for me to him 
now, as at the trial he was surety to the judges for 
me; but let the promise be of another sort; for he was 
surety for me to the judges that I would remain, and 



Mckinley's ttlusirated Topics for Ancient History. 



you must be my surety to him that I shall not remain, 
but go away and depart; and then he will suffer less at 
my death, and not be grieved when he sees my body 
being burned or buried. I would not have him sorrow 
at my hard lot, or say at the burial, 'Thus we lay out 
Socrates,' or, 'Thus we follow him to the grave,' or 
'bury him'; for false words are not only evil in them- 
selves, but they infect the soul with evil. Be of good 
cheer, then, my dear Crito^ and saj' that you are bury- 
ing my body only, and do with that whatever is usual, 
and what you think best." 

When he had spoken these words, he arose and went 
into the chamber to bathe; Crito followed him, and told 
us to wait. So we remained behind, talking and think- 
ing of the subjects of discourse, and also of the great- 
ness of our sorrow; he was like a father of whom we were 
being bereaved, and we were about to pass the rest of 
our lives as orphans. When he had taken the bath his 
children were brought to him (he had two young sons 
and an elder one) ; and the women of his family also 
came, and he talked to them and gave them a few direc- 
tions in the i^resence of Crito; then he dismissed them 
and returned to us. 

Now the hour of sunset was near, for a good deal 
of time had passed while he was within. When he 
came out, he sat down with us again after his bath, 
but not much was said. Soon the jailer, who was the 
servant of the Eleven, entered and stood by him, say- 
ing: "To you, Socrates, whom I know to be the noblest 
and gentlest and best of all who ever came to this place, 
I will not imjjute the angry feelings of other men, who 
rage and swear at me, when, in obedience to the author- 
ities, I bid them drink the poison — indeed, I am sure 
that you will not be angry with me; for others, as you 
are aware, and not I, are to blame. And so fare you 
well, and try to bear lightly what must needs be — j'ou 
know my errand." Then bursting into tears, he turned 
away and went out. "--.^ 

Socrates looked at him and said: "I return your 
good wishes, and will do as you bid." Then turning 
to us, he said, "How charming the man is ! since I have 
been in prison he has always been coming to see me, 
and at times he would talk to me, and was as good to 
me as could be, and now see how generously he sor- 
rows on my account. We must do as he saj^s, Crito; 
and therefore let the cup be brought, if the poison is 
prepared ; if not, let the attendant prepare some." 

"Yet," said Crito, "the sun is still upon the hill- 
tops, and I know that many a one has taken the draught 
late, and after the announcement has been made to 
him, he has eaten and drunk, and enjoyed the society of 
his beloved ; do not hurry — there is time enough." 

Socrates said: "Yes, Crito, and they of whom you 
speak are right in so acting, for they think that they 
will be gainers by the delay; but I am right in not fol- 
lowing their example, for I do not think that I should 
gain anything by drinking the poison a little later; I 
should only be ridiculous in my own eyes for sparing 
and saving a life which is already forfeit. Please then 
to do as I say, and not to refuse me." 



Crito made a sign to the servant, who was standing 
by; and he went out, and having been absent for some 
time, returned with the jailer carrying the cup of 
poison. Socrates said: "You, my good friend, who 
are experienced in these matters shall give me direc- 
tions how to proceed." The man answered: "You 
have only to walk about until your legs are heavy, and 
then to lie down, and the poison will act." At the 
same time he handed the cup to Socrates, who in the 
easiest and gentlest manner, without the least fear or 
change of color or feature, looking at the man with all 
his eyes, Echecrates, as his manner was, took the cup 
and said: "What do you say about making a libation 
out of this cup to any god.'' May I, or not.''" The man 
answered: "We only prepare, Socrates, just so much 
as we deem enough." "I understand," he said, "but I 
may and must ask the gods to prosper my journey 
from this to the other world — even so — and so be it 
according to my pra5'er." Then raising the cup to his 
lips, quite readily and cheerfully he drank off the poison. 
And hitherto most of us had been able to control our 
sorrow; but now when we saw him drinking, and saw 
too, that he had finished the draught, we could no 
longer forbear, and in spite of myself my own tears 
were falling fast; so that I covered my face and wept, 
not for him, but at the thought of my own calamity in 
having to part from such a friend. Nor was I the 
first; for Crito, when he found himself unable to re- 
strain his tears, had got up, and I followed; and at that 
moment, Apollodorus, who had been weeping all the 
time, broke out in a loud and passionate cry which 
made cowards of us all. Socrates alone retained his 
calmness. "What is this strange outcry.?" he said. "I 
sent away the women mainly in order that they might 
not misbehave in this way, for I have been told that 
a man should die in peace. Be quiet then, and have 
patience." When we heard his words we were ashamed, 
and refrained our tears ; and he walked about until, as 
he said, his legs began to fail, and then he lay on his 
back, according to the directions, and the man who 
gave him the poison now and then looked at his feet 
and legs; and after a while he pressed his foot hard 
and asked him if he could feel; and he said, "No"; and 
then his leg, and so upwards and upwards, and showed 
us that he was growing cold and stiff. And he felt 
them himself, and said: "When the poison reaches the 
heart, that will be the end." He was beginning to 
grow cold about the groin, when he uncovered his 
face, for he had covered himself up, and said, — they 
were his last words — he said: "Crito, I owe a cock to 
Ascelepius ; will you remember to pay the debt?" "The 
debt shall be paid," said Crito; "is there anything else?" 
There was no answer to this question ; but in a minute 
or two a movement was heard, and the attendants un- 
covered him; his eyes were set, and Crito closed his 
eyes and mouth. 

Such was the end, Echecrates, of our friend ; con- 
cerning whom I may truly say, that of all the men of 
his time whom I have known, he was the wisest and 
justest and best. — Plato, trans. Jowett, Crito. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Topic A 15. Later Development of Greek Art. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. The gradual decline of sculpture. 

a. Reasons. 

(1) Demand for realism. 

(2) Contact with the Orient. 

b. The Fourth Century Artists and their work. 

(1) Praxiteles. 

(2) Lysippus. 
(S) Scopas. 

c. The Hellenistic sculpture. 

(1) The new art centers. 

(2) Typical sculptures and their characteris- 
tics. 

2. The development of architecture. 

a. The founding of cities and its influence — munic- 

ipal art. 

b. New forms. 

(1) The Funeral and votive monument. 

(2) The introduction of the arch. 

c. The private house. 

3. The development of painting. 

a. Polygnotus. 

b. Parrhasius and Zeuxis. 

c. Apelles. 

4. Influence of later Greek art upon the Romans. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, Sec. 189; Botsford, Ancient, 
World, Sees. 271, 329-330, 345; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 264, 
313, 326; Morev, Ancient, pp. 20-1, 248-252; Myers, Ancient, 
Sees. 316, 322-323, 327; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 227-229; West, 
Ancient, Sees. 202, 256; ^\'estermann, Ancient, Sees. 251-303; 
Botsford, Greece, pp. 292-295; Morev, Greece, pp. 295-298, 
324-325, 326-329; Mvers, Greece, pp. 492-496; West, Ancient 
AVorld, Part I, Sees. "236-237. 

Collateral Reading.— Bury, pp. 585, 692-693; Kimball-Bur}-, 
pp. 260-261 ; Marquand and Frothingham, History of Sculpture, 
ch. 11; Schuckburgh, Greece to 14 A. D., pp. 33-34; Seigno- 
bos, pp. 169-172, 183-187; Tarbell, Greek Art, ch 9-11. 

Additional Reading. — Carotti, Historv of Art, Vol. I, bk. 
II, ch. 1; Curtius, Vol. V, pp. 200-214; Fowler & Wheeler, 
Greek Archaeology, pp. 179-192, 251-292; Gardner, Six Greek 
Scidptors, ch. 6-9; Harrison, Introductorv Studies in Greek 
Art, ch. 6-7; Holm, Vol. Ill, ch. 12, 29, Vol. IV, ch. 20-23; 
Lubke, History Sculpture, Vol. I, bk. II, ch. 4-5; Mach, Greek 
Sculpture, ch. 21-23; Murray, Greek Sculpture, Vol. II, ch. 
24-29; Paris, Manual Ancient Sculpture, ch. 9-13; Richardson, 
Greek Sciilpture, ch. 4-5; Short, History Sculpture, eh. 3-6; 
Whibly, Companion to Greek Studies, pp. 252-284. 

SUGGESTIONS. 
Note the excellence of the work of the fourth century; the 
characteristics of the work of each of the three great artists; 
the appearance of new art centers; the nature of the work 
and the most noteworthy productions of the Hellenistic Age; 
the gradual decline of art; the attention devoted to the beauti- 
fying of cities; and the influence of the art of the later period 
upon Rome. 

SOURCE-STUDY. 

GREEK PAINTERS. 

The masterpieces of Greek painting have perished. Our 
knowledge of the artists and their works is therefore derived 
almost entirely from literary sources. The most extended ac- 
counts are to be found in Pansanias' Description of Greece, 
written between 143 and 175 A. D.; and in Pliny the Elder's 
Natural History, written about one hundred years earlier. 
Pliny's History would correspond to the modern encyclopaedia, 
as it covered a mde range of subjects. The following ex- 
tracts are taken from the portion %vhich traces the history 
of painting in ancient times. 

. . . First among whom [the luminaries of the art], 
shone Apollodorus of Athens, in the ninety-third Olym- 
piad. He was the first to paint objects as they really 



appeared; the first too, we may justly say, to confer glory 
by the aid of the pencil [i. e., a hair-pencil or brush] . 
The gates of the art being now thrown open by Apol- 
lodorus, Zeuxis of Heraclea entered upon tlie scene, in 
the fourth year of the ninety-fifth Olympiad, destined 
to lead the pencil, for which there was nothing too 
arduous, to a very high pitch of glory. Of him Apol- 
lodorus wrote to the effect, that Zeuxis had stolen the art 
from others and had taken it all to himself. Zeuxis also 
acquired sucli a vast amount of wealth, that, in a spirit 
of ostentation, he went so far as to parade himself 
at Olympia with his name embroidered on the checked 
pattern of his garments in letters of gold. At a later 
period, he came to the determination to give away his 
works, there being no jjrice high enough to pay for them, 
he said. . . . 

The contemporaries and rivals of Zeuxis were Tim- 
anthes, Androcj'des, Eupompus, and Parrhasius. The 
last, it is said, entered into a pictorial contest with 
Zeuxis, who represented some grapes painted so nat- 
urally that the birds flew towards the spot where the 
picture was exhibited. Parrhasius, on the other liand, 
exhibited a curtain, drawn with sucli singular truthful- 
ness, that Zeuxis, elated with the judgment which h.id 
been passed upon his work by the birds, haughtily 
demanded that the curtain should be drawn aside to let 
the picture be seen. Upon finding his mistake, with a 
great degree of ingenuous candor he admitted that he had 
been surpassed, for wliile he liimself had only deceived 
the birds, Parrhasius had deceived him, an artist. 

There is a story, too, that at a later period, Zeuxis 
23ainted a child carrying grapes and the birds came to 
peck at them; upon which, with a similar degree of can- 
dor, he exjaressed himself vexed with his work, and ex- 
claimed — "I have surely painted the grapes better than 
the child, for if I had fully succeeded in the latter, the 
birds would have been in fear of it.". . . 

Parrhasius of Ephesus also contributed greatly to the 
progress of painting, being the first to give symmetry to 
his figures, the first to give play and expression to the 
features, elegance to the hair, and gracefulness to the 
mouth ; indeed, for contour it is universally admitted by 
artists that he bore away the palm. . . . 

But it was Apelles of Cos, in the hundred and twelfth 
Olympiad, who surpassed all the other painters who 
cither preceded or succeeded him. Single-handed he 
contributed more than all the others together, and even 
went so far as to publish some treatises on tlie principles 
of the art. The great point of artistic merit with him 
was his singular charm of gracefulness, and this too, 
though the greatest of painters were his contemporaries. 
In admiring their works and bestowing high eulogiums 
upon them, he used to say that there was still wanting 
in them that ideal of beauty so peculiar to himself, and 
known to the Greeks as "Charis" others, he said, had 
acquired all the other requisites of perfection, but in this 
one point he himself had no equal. He also asserted his 
claim to another great point of merit ; admiring a pic- 
ture bv Protogenes, which bore evident marks of un- 
bounded laboriousness and the most minute finish, he 
remarked that in every respect Protogenes was fully 
his equal, or perhaps his superior, except in this, that he 
himself knew when to take his hand off a picture — a 
memorable lesson, which teaches us that over-carefulness 
may be productive of bad resultf. — Pliny, trans. White, 
Natural History, Bk. IX., Ch. 15. 



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McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Topic A 16. The Land of Italy and the Beginnings of Rome. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. The Italian peninsula. 

a) Location and size. 

b) Climate and physiography. 

c) Significant geographical features and their effect 

upon the people. 

2. The early inhabitants of Italy and their culture. 

a) Origin. 

b) The Italians. 

c) The Etruscans. 

d) The Greeks. 

e) Relation to and contributions to the culture of 

the Romans. 

3. Romulus and the founding of Rome. 

a) Alba Longa and the Latin League. 

b) The original settlement. 

c) Geographical and political importance of Rome 

— the Seven Hills. 

d) Union with the outlying settlements — Rape of 

Sabines. 

4. The early kings and their work. 

a) Organization of society in Rome (family, clan, 

or gens, curia, tribe). 

b) Earliest form of government (king, senate, 

comitia curiata). 

c) The two classes : origin ; rights and privileges. 

d) Numa and the Roman religion. 

1) The gods and goddesses. 

2) Form of worship (oracles, divination, sa- 

cred colleges, games and festivals). 

3) Beliefs. 

5. The Tarquins and their overthrow. 

a) Internal improvements. 

b) Servius Tullius and his changes in the govern- 

ment. 

c) Growth of territory. 

d) Tarquinius Superbus and the abolition of the 

kingship — changes in the government. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 208-228, 240-211; Bots- 
ford. Ancient World, Sees. 3,50-380; Goodspeed, Sees. 332-353, 
391-392, 396-397; Moray, Ancient, eh. 17-18; Myers, Ancient, 
Sees. 370-400; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 49-52, 120-129; West, An- 
cient, Sees. 269-307 ; Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 310-331 ; Wolf- 
son, Ancient, Sees. 223-234, 24B; Abbott, Rome, Sees. 8-57, 
95-98; Botsford, Rome, ch. 1-2; Morey, Rome, pp. 9-52; Myers, 
Rome, ch. 1-4; Sniitii, Rome, ch. 1-3; West, Ancient World, 
Part II, ch. 19-22. 

Collateral Reading. — Botsford, Story of Rome, pp. 14-57; 
Fowler, Rome, ch. 1 ; Gilman, ch. 1-4, pp. 58-64 ; Ihne, Early 
Rome, ch. 1-9; Myres, Dawn of History, ch. 10; Pelham, pp. 
3-41; Plutarch, Lives of Romulus and Xuma; Seignobos, ch. 
17-18, pp. 220-222; Seignobos, Roman People, pp. 1-28, 36-44; 
Tozer, ch. 9-10. 

Additional Reading. — Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, 
ch. 1-2; Duruy, Vol. I, pp. 17-271; Cow, pp. 158-160, 170-175; 
Granrud, pp. 1-26; Heitland, Roman Republic, ch. 1-3; How 
and Leigh, ch. 1-4; Ihne, Vol. I, Book I, ch. 1-8, 13, Book H, 
ch. 19; Mommsen, Vol. I, pp. 3-340; Sandys, Latin Studies, ch. 
1, 4, pp. 243-256; Schuckburgh, ch. 1-5; Souttar, Rome, ch. 1-3. 

Source Books.— Botsford, ch. 28-29; Davis, Rome, Nos. 1-8; 
Laing, pp. 353-356; Munro, Nos. 1-19, 41-42, 44, 56-59; Web- 
ster, Nos. 63-68. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

(1) Note the location of Italy and the city of Rome; the 
contrast presented to conditions in Greece. 

(2) Note the location and the state of civilization of the 
peoples occupying Italy and their contributions to the culture 
of the early Romans. 

(3) Note the general character of Latium; the existence of 
and character of the Latin League and the superiority attained 



by Rome as the result of her hills, the river Til)er and lior 
central position. 

(4) Note the close connection between the organizatiim of 
Roman society and their form of government and their rrligioii, 
giving the Romans certain peculiar characteristics. 

(5) Note the great strides made by the city under the Tar- 
quins, particularly the changes in the government and the final 
change from monarchy to republic. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ROMAN 

RELIGION. 

Some of the main features of the Roman religion arc empha- 
sized in the extracts quoted below: tlieir belief in soothsayers, 
and in signs and auguries; and particularly the attention given 
to form and ceremony. The two festivals which are described 
date from the earliest times and were peculiar to the husl)and- 
man. They are supposed to have been instituted In' King 
Numa. In the early days the main occupation of the people 
was farming, hence the importance of these rites and prayers. 
The worship of the dead was also of early origin and of great 
importance. 

Signs and Omens. 

What do predictions and foreknowledge of future 
events indicate, but that such future events are shown, 
pointed out, portended, and foretold to men.'' From 
whence they are called omens, signs, portents, prodigies. 
But though we should esteem fabulous what is said of 
Mopsus, Tiresias, Amphiaraus, Calchas, and Helenus 
(who would not have been delivered down to us as 
augurs even in fable, if their art had been despised,) 
may we not be sufficiently apprised of the power of the 
Gods by domestic e.xamples? Will not the temerity of 
P. Claudius, in the first Punic war, affect us? who, 
when the poultry were let out of the coop and would 
not feed, ordered them to be thrown into the water, 
and, joking even upon the Gods, said, with a sneer. Let 
them drink, since they will not eat; which piece of 
ridicule, being followed by a victory over his fleet, cost 
him many tears, and brought great calamity on the 
Roman people. Did not his colleague Junius, in the 
same war, lose his fleet in a tempest by disregarding 
the auspices? Claudius therefore was condemned by 
the people; and Junius killed himself. Coelius says 
that P. Flaminius, from his neglect of religion, fell at 
Thrasimenus; a loss which the public severely felt. By 
these instances of calamity we may be assured that 
Rome owes her grandeur and success to the conduct of 
those who were tenacious of their religious duties; and 
if we compare ourselves to our neighbours, we shall 
find that we are infinitely distinguished above foreign 
nations by our zeal for religious ceremonies, thougli in 
other things we may be only equal to them, and in other 
respects even inferior to them. — Cicero, On the Nature 
of the Gods, II., Ch. 3 (Bohn). 

Must I say more? In the second Punic war, when 
Flaminius, being consul for the second time, despised 
the signs of future events, did he not by such conduct 
occasion great disasters to the state? For when, after 
having reviewed the troops, he was moving his camp 
towards Arezzo, and leading his legions against Han- 
nibal, his horse suddenly fell with him before the statue 
of Jupiter Stator, without any apparent cause. But 
though those who were skilful in divination declared it 
was an evident sign from the Gods that he should not 
engage in battle, he paid no attention to it. After- 
wards, when it was proposed to consult the auspices by 

(Continued on Page 4.) 



Copyright. I9I3. McKinley PuhUsUotf C«.. Phlladelpkia. Pa. 



McKinley's Series of Geographical and Historical Outline Maps; No.^i, Italy. 




Copyright, 1900, The McKinley Publishing Co., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Map Work for Topic A 16. 

Show on tlie map the principal physical features of Italy and its resources. 

References: Labberton, Plate XIV; Murray, Plate VIII; Putzger, p. 10; Sanborn, pp. 15, 19; Shepherd, pp. 2-3, 26-27, 
30-31; Botsford, Ancient, p. 254; Botsford, Ancient World, p. 312; Goodspeed, Ancient, p. 2T8; Morev, Ancient, p 360; 
Myers, Ancient, p. 350; Webster, Ancient, p. 130; West, Ancient, p. 249; Wolfson, Ancient, pp. 216-217; Abbott, Rome, p. 
17; Botsford, Rome, Frontispiece; Morey, Rome, p. 13; Myers, Rome, pp. 2, 3; Sstith, Rome, p. 1; West, Ancient W»rl«l, 
Part II, p. 256. 



McKiniey's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. No. A 16. 

CIVILIZATION OF THE ETRUSCANS. 




An Etruscan chariot in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Found buried with several implements and utensils of bronze. 

SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS. 
Describe the ornamentation and aeneral construction of the chariot. What are the peculiarities of the art of the Etruscans as shown in the workmanship 



upon the chariot? Is there any resemblance to eastern art? Greek? How does it differ, if at all 
or culture of these people? 

Copyright. 1913, McKmley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. 



What does this chariot tell us with reference to the life 



McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



SOURCE5TUDY.— Continued. 

the consecrated chickens, the augur indicated the pro- 
priety of deferring the battle. Flaminius asked him 
what was to be done the next day, if the chickens still 
refused to feed? He replied that in that case he must 
still rest quiet. "Fine auspices, indeed," replied Flam- 
inius, "if we may only fight when the chickens are 
hungry, but must do nothing if they are full." And 
so he commanded the standards to be moved forward, 
and the army to follow him; on which occasion, the 
standard-bearer of the first battalion could not extricate 
his standard from the ground in which it was pitched, 
and several soldiers who endeavoured to assist him were 
foiled in the attempt. Flaminius, to whom they related 
this incident, despised the warning, as was usual with 
him ; and in the course of three hours from that time, 
the whole of his army was routed, and he himself slain. 
— Cicero, On Divination, Ch. 35 (Bohn). 

Religious Ceremonials. 

The fountain of Mercury is near the Capenian gate: 
if we may believe those who have experienced it, it 
has a divine efficacy. Hither comes the tradesman, 
having a girdle round his robes, and, in a state of pur- 
Sjtyj he draws some of the water, to carry it away in a 
perfumed urn; in this a laurel branch is dipped, and 
with the wet laurel are sprinkled all the things which 
are intended to change owners. He sprinkles his own 
hair, too, with the dripping bough, and runs through 
his prayers in a voice accustomed to deceive. "Wash 
away the perjuries of past time," says he: "wash away 
my lying words of the past day, whether I have made 
thee to attest for me, or whether I have invoked the 
great Godhead of Jove, whom I did not intend to listen 
to me. Or if I have knowingly deceived anj' other of 
the Gods, or any Goddess, let the swift breezes bear 
away my wicked speeches. Let there be no trace left 
of my perjuries on the morrow, but let not the Gods 
care whatever I may choose to say. Do but give me 
profits; give me the delight that rises from gain, and 
grant that it may be lucrative to me to impose on my 
customers." — Ovid, Fasti, V., 676ff (Bohn). 

... A procession, all arrayed in white, met me in 
the middle of the way. The Flamen was going to the 
sacred grove of the ancient Goddess Robigo,* about to 
offer in the flames the entrails of a dog and those of 
a sheep. Forthwith I approached him, that I might 
not be unacquainted with this ceremonial: and thy Fla- 
men . . . gave utterance to these words: "Corroding 
Robigo, do thou spare the blade of the corn, and let 
the smootli top quiver on the surface of the ground. 
Do thou permit the crops, nourished by the favoring 
seasons of the heavens, to grow apace until they are 
ready for the sickle. Thy power is not harmless in 
its exercise. The grain which thou hast marked as 
thine own, the sorrowing husbandman reckons in the 
number of the lost. Not so injurious to the corn are 
the winds or the showers; nor is it so pallid when con- 
sumed by the frost, rigid as marble, as, when with his 
warmth, the sun makes hot the moistened stalks ; in such 
case, dread Goddess, is thy wrath exercised. Spare, I 
pray thee, and keep thy rough hands from the crops ; in- 
jure not our fields: to possess the power of inflicting 
injury is enough: seize not in thy embrace the tender 
crops, but rather the hard iron, and do thou first destroy 
that which has the power of destroying others. . . . 
Hurt not the corn, and let the husbandman be ever 
enabled to pay his vows to thee, keeping thyself afar." 

*Rust or mildew. 



He had spoken; in his right hand hung a towel, with a 
loose nap, and there was a censer of frankincense, with a 
bowl of wine.— Ovid, Fasii, IV., 900£E (Bohn). 

When the night shall have passed away, let the God, 
who by his landmark divides the fields, be worshipped 
with the accustomed honours. Terminus, whether thou 
art a stone, or whether a stock sunk deep in the field 
by the ancients, yet even in this form thou dost possess 
divinity. Thee, the two owners of the fields crown with 
chaplets from their opposite sides, and present with two 
garlands and two cakes. An altar is erected ; to this 
the female peasant herself brings in a broken pan the 
fire taken from the burning hearths. An old man cuts 
up the firewood, and piles it on high when chopped, 
and strives hard to drive the branches into the resisting 
ground. While he is exciting the kindling blaze with 
dried bark, a boy stands by and holds in his hands a 
broad basket. Out of this, when he has thrice thrown 
the produce of the earth into the midst of the flames, 
his little daughter offers the sliced honeycombs. Oth- 
ers hold wine; a portion of each thing is thrown into 
the fire; the crowd, all arraj'ed in white, look on, and 
maintain religious silence. The common landmark also 
is sprinkled with the blood of a slain lamb ; he makes, 
too, no complaint when a sucking-pig is offered to him. 
The neighbors meet in supplication, and they celebrate 
the feast and sing thy praises, holy Terminus. It is 
thou that dost set the limits to nations, and cities, and 
mighty kingdoms ; without thee all the country would 
be steeped in litigation. In thee there is no ambition — 
by no gold art thou bribed; mayst thou with law and 
integritv preserve the fields committed to thy care.^ — 
Ovid, Fasti, II., 640ff (Bohn). 

The Worship of the Dead. 

Honour also is paid to the graves of the dead. Ap- 
pease the spirits of your forefathers, and offer small 
presents on the pyres that are long since cold. The 
shades of the dead ask but humble offerings: affection 
rather than a costlj' gift is pleasing to them ; Styx 
below has no greedy Divinities. Enough for them is 
the covering of their tomb overshadowed with the chap- 
lets laid there, and the scattered fruits and the little 
grain of salt; and corn soaked in wine, and violets 
loosened from the stem; these gifts let a jar contain, 
left in the middle of the way. I do not forbid more 
costly offerings, but by these the shade may be ap- 
peased ; add prayers and suitable words, the altars being- 
first erected.— Ovid, Fasti, II., 530ff (Bohn). 

. . . When midnight now is come, and affords silence 
for sleep, and ye dogs, and birds with your various 
tints, are still ; at that hour rises the person who bears 
in mind the ancient ceremonial, and stands in awe of 
the Gods ; his feet have no sandals on them, and he 
makes a noise with his fingers clasped in each other 
with his thumb in the middle, for fear lest the aerial 
spectre should meet him if silent. After he has washed 
his hands clean in the water of the spring, he turns 
round, and first he takes up the black beans; with his 
face turned away, he flings them; but while he flings 
them he says "I offer these; with these beans do I 
ransom myself and mine." Nine times does he say 
this, and looks not behind him. The ghost is believed 
to gather them, and to follow behind if no one is look- 
ing on. A second time he touches the water and tinkles 
the copper of Temesa, and begs the ghost to leave his 
house. When nine times he has repeated, "Shades of 
my father! depart," he looks back, and believes that 
his rites are duly performed. — Ovid, Fasti, V., 425ff, 
(Bohn). 



Mckinley's fllustfated Topics tor Ancient History. 



Topic A 17. The Struggle in Rome for Equal Rights. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. The political situation in 509 B- C. 

a) The form of government. 

b) The rights of the patricians and plebeians. 

2. The economic grievances of the plebeians. 

a) Trade. 

b) Land. 

c) Debt. 

3. The struggle, 509-261. B. C. 

a) The Lex Valeria. 

b) The first secession and the tribunes. 

c) The Decemvirate and its effects — Valerio-Ho- 

ratian Laws, 451-449 B. C. 

d) The Canuleian Law, 445 B. C. 

e) The struggle for the chief magistracies. 

1) Consular tribunes. 

2) Intrigues of Cassius, Camillus and Man- 

lius. 

3) Admission of plebeians to consulship— 

Licinian Laws, 367 B. C. 

4) Praetorship and curule aediles. 

f) Equality in the sacred colleges — Lex Ogulnia, 

300 B. C. 

g) Lex Hortensia and the creation of a plebeian 

assembly, the Comitia Tributa. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 940-351; Botsford, 
Ancient World, Sees. 378-394; Goodspeed, Sees. 353, 357-368, 
378-379; Morev, Ancient, pp. 286-398; Myers, Ancient, Sees. 
400-404, 406-411, 414-415; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 130-133; 
West, Ancient, Sees. 308-337; Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 339- 
339; Wolf son. Ancient, Sees. 247-359; Abbott, Rome, eh. 5; 
Botsford, Rome, ch. 4; Morey, Rome, pp. 47-48, 50-56, 59-66, 
69-72; Mvers, Rome, Sees. 48-50, 53-53, 58-65, 70-73, pp. 107- 
110; Smith, Rome, pp. 30-31, 35-38, 43-53, 59-63, 141-148; West, 
Ancient World, Part II, ch. 23, 26. 

Collateral Reading. — Botsford, Story of Rome, ch. 4; Gil- 
man, ch. 6-7, pp. 106-109; Ihne, Early Rome, ch. 10-14, 18-19; 
Pelham, pp. 45-67; Seignobos, pp. 222-233, 348-249; Seignobos, 
Roman People, ch. 5. 

Additional Reading. — Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, 
ch. 3-4, 8-11; Botsford, Roman Assemblies, ch. 12-14; Duruy, 
Vol. I, pp. 272-298, 319-351, 380-411; Gow, pp. 158-163; Gran- 
rud, pp. 37-92; Greenidge, Public Life, ch. 2; Heitland, Roman 
RepuWic, Sees. 23-30, 33-42, 50-60; How and Leigh, ch. 5-6, 8-9, 
12; Ihne, Vol. I, Boole II, ch. 1-2, 7-13, 17, Book III, ch. 2-3, 7, 
11; Mommsen, Vol. I, pp. 341-412; Sandvs, Latin Studies, 
pp. 256-264, 358 ; Schuckburgh, ch. 8, 13 ; Souttar, Rome, ch. 4-5. 

Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 30; Davis, Rome, Nos. 9-10, 14, 
17; Munro, Nos. 43, 45-55, 60, 82. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

(1) Note the different parts of the government in 509 
B. C. ; the five rights possessed by the patricians; and the 
share in these and in the government possessed by the plebians. 

(2) Note the seriousness of the problems raised by monopoly 
of trade and public land and the consequent indebtedness of 
plebian class and growing seriousness of situation with the 
passage of time. 

(3) Note the various rights or parts of rights obtained 
through the passage of the various measures and the con- 
cessions granted; and the importance of 445 as marking the 
attainment of a majority of the rights desired. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

ROMAN LAW AND GOVERNMENT. 

Rome's contribution to law has been referred to as her most 
valuable gift to the modern world. The laws of the Twelve 
Tables therefore possess a peculiar interest. Every Roman 
youth in Cicero's day was obliged to commit them to memory 
as a part of his education. The extract from Cicero gives an 



excellent idea of the officers of the early republic and their 
duties. Polybius is describing the Roman government as it 
was during the Second Punic War, but the extract quoted 
applies equally well to the situation at the outbreak of the 
struggle with Carthage. 

LAWS OF THE TWELVE TABLES. 

If one summon another before the magistrate, and 
the latter refuse to go, let the plaintiff take witnesses and 
arrest him. 

A freeholder (or tax payer) shall give a freeholder 
as surety for his appearance; one of the proletariat may 
give any one who may choose to be surety. 

For the payment of an admitted debt, or an amount 
adjudged, let the debtor have a ^ecral delay of thirty 
days. 

Such time having elapsed, let the debtor be seized 
by manus injectio, and brought before the magistrate. 

Unless he pay or unless some one will guarantee the 
debt, let the creditor take him away and bind him with 
cords; or with fetters not exceeding fifteen pounds in 
weight or less at the discretion of the creditor. 

Let him be free to live at his own expense ; if not 
let the creditor who keeps him bound give him a pound 
of flour a day, or more if the creditor choose. 

A rule that the debtor might be kept in bonds for 
sixty days and then the amount of the debt publicly 
proclaimed. 

A rule that after the third market day the debtor 
might be put or sold beyond the Tiber; and the credi- 
tors might divide his body, and that any one cutting 
any more or less than his share should be deemed to be 
guiltless. 

Monsters or deformed children to be put to death. 

Paternal power over children during their life to 
imprison, beat, or even kill them, even if they hold 
offices of state. 

If the father sell his son three times let the son be 
free from the paternal power. 

Let the acquisition of real estate be by possession of 
two years ; of other property by one. 

The property in a thing sold and delivered is not 
transferred to the buyer until he has paid the price, or 
otherwise satisfied the vendor. 

When the branches of one's tree overhang a neigh- 
boring property, let them be trimmed up to a height 
of fifteen feet from the ground. 

The owner has a right to go upon his neighbor's land 
and gather fruit which has fallen from his own tree. 

Capital punishment denounced against libels. 

Against him who destroys the limb of another and 
does not compromise, let there be retaliation in kind. 

For tlie breaking of the bone of a freeman a penalty 
of three hundred asses;* of a slave one hundred and 
fifty asses. 

For injury or insult to another, penalty of twenty- 
five asses. 

If damage be done by a quadruped let its owner re- 
pair the damage or abandon the animal. 

An action lies against one who lets his flock feed 
in another's field. 

Wilful burning of building of another punished by 
burning to death. Negligent burning to be compen- 
sated for. One too poor to pay such damages to be 
punished moderately. 

*An ass was valued at about two cents. 
(Continued on Page 3.) 



Copyright, 1913. McKinley Publlshiag Co.. Phliadilphia. Pa. 




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SOURCE-STUDY— Continued. 

If one commit a nocturnal theft, and is killed in the 
act, let such killing be lawful. 

Rate of interest limited to one per cent, per month, 
with quadruple penalty for usury. 

A false witness to be cast from the Tarpeian rock. 

Penalty of death for murder. 

Incantations and poisonings punished by death. 

Seditious assemblies at night, in the city, punished by 
death. 

Make no unnecessary display at funerals. Do not 
smooth the wood of the pyre with the axe. 

Let not the women disfigure their faces, nor display 
immoderate grief. 

Marriage between patricians and plebeians forbidden. 
— Quoted in Appendix, Howe, Studies in the Civil Law. 

THE ROMAN OFFICIALS AND THEIR DUTIES. 

. . . "Let all authorities be just, and let them be hon- 
estly obeyed by the people with modesty and without 
opposition. Let the magistrate restrain the disobedient 
and mischievous citizen, by fine, imprisonment, and 
corporal chastisement; unless some equal or greater 
power, or the people forbid it; for there should be an 
appeal thereto. If the magistrate shall have decided, 
and inflicted a penalty, let there be a public appeal to 
the people respecting the penalty and fine imposed. 

"With respect to the army, and the general that com- 
mands it by martial law, there should be no appeal 
from his authority. And whatever he wlio conducts the 
war commands, shall be absolute law, and ratified as 
such. 

"As to the minor magistrates, let there be such a 
distribution of their legal duties, that each may more 
effectively superintend his own department of justice. 
In the army let those who are appointed command, and 
let them have tribunes. In the city, let men be ap- 
pointed as superintendents of the public treasury. Let 
some devote their attention to the prison discipline, and 
capital punishments. Let others supervise the public 
coinage of gold, and silver, and copper. Let others 
judge of suits and arbitrations; and let others carry 
the orders of the senate into execution. 

"Let there likewise be adiles, curators of the city, the 
provisions, and the public games, and let these oflSces 
be the first steps to higher promotions of honour. 

"Let the censors take a census of the people, ac- 
cording to age, offspring, family, and property. Let 
them have the inspection of the temples, the streets, 
the aqueducts, the rates, and the customs. Let them 
distribute the citizens, according to their tribes : after 
that let them divide them with reference to their for- 
tunes, ages, and ranks. Let them keep a register of 
the families of those of the equestrian and plebeian 
orders. Let them impose a tax on celibates. Let them 
guard the morals of the people. Let them permit no 
scandal in the senate. Let the number of such censors 
be two. Let their magistracy continue five years. Let 
the other magistrates be annual, but their offices them- 
selves should be perpetual. . . . 

"Let two magistrates be invested with sovereign au- 
thority; from their presiding, judging and counselling, 
let them be called praetors, judges, or consuls. Let 
them have supreme authority over the army, and let 
them be subject to none: for the safety of the people 
is the supreme law; and no one should succeed to this 
magistracy till it has been held ten years — regulating 
the duration by an annual law. 



"When a considerable wur is undertaken, -of diseor^ 
is likely to ensue among the citizens, let a single su- 
prei 3 magistrate be appoi'.ited, who shall unite in his 
own person the authority of both consuls, if the senate 
so decrees for six months only. And wlicn such a 
magistrate has been procl limed under favourable au- 
spic >s, let him be the master of the people. Let liira 
have for a colleague, with equal powers witli himself, 
a knight whomsoever he may clioosc to appoint, as a 
judge of the law. And when such a dictator or master 
of the people is created the other magistracies sliall be 
suppressed. 

"Let the auspices b( observed ty the senate, and 
let them authorize persons of their own body to elect 
the consuls in the comitia, according to the established 
ceremonials. . . . 

"Let the ten officers whom the people elect to pro- 
tect them against oppression be their tribunes ; and let 
all their prohibitions and adjudications be established, 
and their persons considered inviolable, so that tribunes 
may never be wanting to the people. . . . 

. . . "Let the tribunes of the people likewise have 
free access to the senate, and advocate the interests of 
the people in all their deliberations. . . . 

"If any one shall infringe any of these laws, let hira 
be liable to a penalty. Let these regulations be com- 
mitted to the charge of tlie censors. Let public officers, 
on their retiring from their posts, give these censors 
an account of their conduct, but let them not by this 
means escape from legal prosecution if they have been 
guilty of corruption." — Cicero, On the Laws, trans. 
Yonge, III., Ch. 3. 

THE ROMAN GOVERNMENT IN 2l6 B. C. 

As for the Roman constitution, it had three elements, 
each of them possessing sovereign powers: and their 
respective share of power in the whole state had been 
regulated with such a scrupulous regard to equality and 
equilibrium, that no one could say for certain, not even 
a native, whether the constitution as a whole were an 
aristocracy or democracy or despotism. . . . 

The Consuls, before leading out the legions, remain 
in Rome and are supreme masters of the administra- 
tion. All other magistrates, except the Tribunes, are 
under them and take their orders. They introduce 
foreign ambassadors to the Senate; bring matters re- 
quiring deliberation before it ; and see to the execution 
of its decrees. If, again, there are any matters of 
state which require the authorization of the people, 
it is their business to see to them, to summon the popu- 
lar meetings, to bring the proposals before them, and 
to carry out the decrees of the majority. In the prepa- 
rations for war also, and in a word in the entire ad- 
ministration of a campaign, they have all but absolute 
power. It is competent to them to impose on the allies 
such levies as they think good, to appoint the Military 
Tribunes, to make up the roll for soldiers and select 
those that are suitable. Besides they have absolute 
power of inflicting punishment on all who are under 
their command while on active service: and they have 
authority to expend as much of the public money as 
they choose, being accompanied by a quaestor who is 
entirely at their orders. . . . 

The Senate has first of all the control of the treas- 
ury, and regulates the receipts and disbursements alike. 
For the Quaestors cannot issue any public money for 
the various departments of the State without a decree 
of the Senate, except for the service of the Consuls. 
The Senate controls also what is by far the largest 
md most important exiaenditure, that, namely, which is 



Copyriaht, 1913. McKiniey Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. 



Mckinley's Uiasttaied foiici tof Aildetit History. 



made by the (;eiiSoi*S evefy lustrum for the repair or 
construction of public buildings; this money cannot be 
obtained by the censors except by the grant of the 
Senate. Similarly all crimes committed in Italy re- 
quiring a public investigation, such as treason, con- 
spiracy, poisoning, or wilful murder, are in the hands 
of the Senate. ... If it is necessary to send an em- 
bassy to reconcile warring communities, or to remind 
them of their duty ... or finally to proclaim war 
against them, — this too is the business of the Senate. 

. » ; There is ... a part left to the people, and it is 
a most important one. For the people is the sole fountain 
of honour and of punishment; and it is by these two 
things and these alone that dynasties and constitutions 
and, in a word, human society are held together. . . . 
The people then are the only court to decide matters of 
life and death; and even in cases where the penalty is 
money, if the sum to be assessed is sufficiently serious, 
and especially when the accused have held the higher 
magistracies. . . . 

Again it is the people who bestow offices on the de- 
serving, which are the most honourable rewards of vir- 
tue. It has also the absolute power of passing or re- 
pealing laws ; and, most important of all, it is the 
people who deliberate on the question of peace or war. 
And when provisional terms are made for alliance, sus- 
pension of hostilities, or treaties, it is the people who 
ratify them or the reverse. . . . 

... I must now show how each of these several 
parts can, when they choose, oppose or support each 
other. 

The Consul, then, when he has started on an ex- 
pedition with the powers I have described, is to all 
appearance absolute in the administration of the busi- 
ness in hand ; still he has need both of the support of 
people and Senate, and, without them, is quite unable 
to bring the matter to a successful conclusion. For it 
is plain that he must have supplies sent to his legions 
from time to time; but without a decree of the Senate 
they can be supplied neither with corn, nor clothes, nor 
pay, so that all the plans of a commander must be 
futile, if the Senate is resolved to shrink from danger 
or hamper his plans. And again, whether a Consul 
shall bring any undertaking to a conclusion or no de- 
pends entirely upon the Senate: for it has absolute 
authority at the end of a year to send another Consul 
to supersede him, or to continue the existing one in his 
command. Again, even to the successes of the generals 
the Senate has the power to add distinction and glory, 
and on the other hand to obscure their merits and 
lower their credit. For these high achievements are 
brought in tangible form before the eyes of the citi- 
zens by what are called "triumphs." But these tri- 
umphs the commanders cannot celebrate with proper 
pomp, or in some cases celebrate at all, unless the 
Senate concurs and grants the necessary money. As 
for the people, the Consuls are pre-eminently obliged 
to court their favour, however distant from home may 
be the field of their operations; for it is the people, as 
I have said before, that ratifies, or refuses to ratify. 



terms of peace and treaties; but most of all because 
when laying down their office they have to give an 
account of their administration before it. Therefore 
in no case is it safe for the Consuls to neglect either 
the Senate or the goodwill of the people. 

As for the Senate which possesses the immense power 
I have described, in the first place it is obliged in pub- 
lic affairs to take the multitude into account, and re- 
spect the wishes of the people; and it cannot put into 
execution the penalty for oifences against the republic, 
which are punishable with death, unless the people first 
ratify its decrees. Similarly even in matters which 
directly affect the senators, — for instance, in the case 
of a law diminishing the Senate's traditional authority, 
or depriving senators of certain dignities and offices, or 
even actually cutting down their property, — even in 
such cases the people have the sole power of passing 
or rejecting the law. But most important of all is the 
fact that, if the Tribunes interpose their veto, the Sen- 
ate not only are unable to pass the decree, but cannot 
even hold a meeting at all, whether formal or informal. 
Now, the Tribunes are always bound to carry out the 
decree of the people, and above all things to have re^ 
gard to their wishes: therefore, for all these reasons 
the Senate stands in awe of the multitude, and cannot 
neglect the feelings of the people. 

In like manner the people on its part is far from 
being independent of the Senate, and is bound to take 
its wishes into account both collectively and individually. 
For contracts, too numerous to count, are given out 
by the censors in all parts of Italy for the repairs or 
construction of public buildings; there is also the col- 
lection of revenue, from many rivers, harbours, gardens, 
mines, and land — everything, in a word, that comes 
under the control of the Roman government: and in 
all these the people at large are engaged ; so that there 
is scarcely a man, so to speak, who is not interested 
either as a contractor or as being employed in the 
works. For some purchase the contracts from the cen- 
sors for themselves; and others go partners with them; 
while others again go security for these contractors, 
or actually pledge their property to the treasury for 
them. Now over all these transactions the Senate has 
absolute control. It can grant an extension of time; 
and in case of unforeseen accident can relieve the con- 
tractors from a portion of their obligation, or release 
them from it altogether, if they are absolutely unable 
to fulfil it. And there are many details in which the 
Senate can inflict great hardships, or, on the other 
hand, grant great indulgences to the contractors: for 
in every case the appeal is to it. But the most im- 
portant point of all is that the judges are taken from 
its members in the majority of trials, whether public or 
private, in which the charges are heavy. Consequently, 
all citizens are much at its mercy; and being alarmed 
at the uncertainty as to when they may need its aid, 
are cautious about resisting or actively opposing its 
will. And for a similar reason men do not rashly re- 
sist the wishes of the Consuls, because one and all may 
become subject to their absolute authority on a cam- 
paign. — Polybius, trans. Schuckburgh, VI., Ch. 11-17. 



McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Topic A 18. The Conquest of Italy and the Foundation of the 

Roman Military System. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. The acquisition of territorj-. 

a) The situation in 509 B. C. — Mon.irchical con- 

spiracies. 

b) Border wars with the Volscians ana ^quians 

(Stories of Coriolanus and Cini'innatus). 

c) Etruscan wars — Siege of Veii and the )i ginning 

of the militar}'^ sj'stem. 

d) Marcus Manlius and the sack of Rome ' the 

Gauls, 390 B. C. 

e) The Samnite Wars : Causes; significant feature^ 

f) The Latin revolt, 340-338 B. C. 

1) Relation of Latin League to Rome. 

2) Stories of Titus Manlius and Decius Mus. 

3) Results. 

g) Pvrrhus and the conquest of Magna Grsecia, 281- 
. " 272 B. C. 

1) Causes of the trouble witli Tarentum. 

2) Part taken by Pvrrhus. 

3) Important battles and results. 

2. Organization of the conquered territory. 

a) Ager Romanus. 

b) Municipia. 

c) Roman and Latin Colonies. 

d) Italian allies (socii). 

e) Military roads. 

3. Organization of the arm}-. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, ch. 3; Botsford, Ancient 
World, ch. 31-3^; Goodspeed, Sees. 334-356, 309-3T7, 380-38.5; 
Moray, Ancient, pp. 399-314; Myers, Ancient, Sees. 405, 413- 
413, 416-424; West, Ancient, Sees. 338-343, 353-355; Webster, 
Ancient, Sees. 133-138; Wcstermann, Sees. 340-350; Wolfson, 
Ancient, Sees. 236-345, 360-373; Abbott, Rome, ch. 4; Botsford, 
Rome, ch. 3; Morey, Rome, pp. 47-50, 53, 56-58, 66-69, 73-84; 
Myers, Rome, Sees. 47, 51, 54-57, 66-69, 73-84; Smith, Rome, 
pp. 31-34, 38-43, 51-60, 64-83, 148-152; West, Ancient World, 
Part II, ch. 24-25, 27. 

Collateral Reading. — Botsford, Story of Rome, pp. 60-83; 
Fowler, Rome, ch. 2; Freeman, Sicilv, ch. 13; Oilman, pp. 64- 
68, 80-87, 94-108, 111-135; Ihne, ch."l5-17, 20-21; Masom and 
Woodhouse, Making of Empire, ch. 1-11; Pelhani, pp. 68-107; 
Plutarch, Lives of Coriolanus, Camillus, Pvrrhus, Poplicola; 
Seignobos, pp. 233-338, 345-347; Seignobos, Roman People, 
ch. 6-7. 

Additional Reading. — Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, 
Sees. 52-54, 71; Duruv, Vol. I, pp. 299-317, 353-379, 412-499; 
Gow, pp. 314-217, 227-235; Granrud, pp. 93-101; Greenidge, 
pp. 295-309; Heitland, Roman Republic, Sees. 31-32, 43-49, 
ch. 7-8; How and Leigh, ch. 7, 10-11, 13-16, pp. 131-143; Ihne, 
Vol. I, Book I, eh. 9-13, Book II, ch. 3-6, 14-16, 18, Book III, 
ch. 1, 4-6, 8-10, 13-17; Mommsen, Vol. I, pp. 413-493, Vol. II. 
pp. 1-61, 72-76; Sandys, Latin Studies, pp. 366-390, 421-423, 
458-462; Schuckburgh; ch. 6-7, 9-12, 14-15; Souttar, Rome, 
ch. 6-7. 

Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 31, pp. 371-374; Davis, Rome, 
Nos. 11-13; Munro, Kos. 61-62; Webster, Nos. 69-77. 

SUGGESTIOXS. 

(1) Note the crisis marked by 509 and 390 B. C, the 
progress made between 509 and 390 and afterwards; the 
gradual change in Rome's treatment of her conquests; and the 
gradual perfecting of her military organization. 

(2) Note the different forms of government adopted; the 
reasons for each; and the hold secured by Rome upon her 
conquests through these (e. g., coloni) and the military roads. 

(3) Note particularly superiority of Roman military organi- 
zation over the phalanx; methods of enrollment and equipment; 
and camp. 

SOURCE-STUDY. 

THE SACK OF ROME BY THE GAULS. 

The invasion of Rome by the Gauls marked a serious crisis 
in Roman history. The narratives of three ancient writers fol- 
low touching on the circumstances which led up lo this at- 
tack, the various incidents connected with the capture of the 



city, and the reasons for the final withdrawal of Brennus and 
his followers. It is suggested that an effort be made to re- 
construct the story, and the results com))arcd with the ac- 
counts to be found in such histories as How and Leigh and 
Schuckburgh. 

In the early times of their settlement they did not 
merely subdue the territory wliich they occupied, but 
rendered also many of the neighboring peoples subject 
to them, whom they overawed by their audacity. Some 
time afterwards they conquered the Romans in battle, 
and pursuing the flying legions, in tliree daj's after the' 
battle occupied Rome itself with the exception of the 
Capitol. But a circumstance intervened which recalled 
them hoMC, an invasion, that is to say, of their territory 
by the Veneti. Accordingh' they made terms with the 
Romans, handed back the city, and returned to their 
own land ; and subs' 'juently were occupied with do- 
mestic wars. — Polybius, irans. Schuckburgh, II., Ch. 18. 

At an early period the Gl nls waged war against the 
Romans, took Rome itself, except the Capitol, and burned 
it. Camillus, however, overcami and expelled them. 
At a later period, when diey had made a second in- 
vasion, he overcame them again and enjoyed a triumph 
in consequence, being then in his eightieth year. . . . 

In the 97th Olympiad, according to tlio Greek cal- 
endar, a considerable part of the Gauls wiio dv. clt along 
the Rhine moved off in search of new huid, tliat which 
they occupied being insufficient for their numbers. Hav- 
ing scaled the Alps they fell upon the territory of 
Clusium, a fertile part of Etruria. The Clusians had 
made a league with the Romans not long before, and 
now applied to them for aid. So the three Fabii were 
sent with the Clusians as ambassadors to the Gauls to 
order them to vacate the country that was in alliance 
with Rome, and to threaten them if they did not obey. 
The Gauls replied that they feared no mortal man in 
threat or war, that they were in need of land, and 
that they had not yet meddled with the affairs of the 
Romans. The Fabii urged the Clusians to make an 
attack upon the Gauls while they were heedlessly 
plundering the country. They took part in the ex- 
pedition themselves and slew an immense number of 
the Gauls whom they caught foraging. . . , 

. . . Brennus, their king, though he had refused to 
recognize the Roman embassy, for the purpose of in- 
timidating the Romans selected as ambassadors to them 
certain Gauls who exceeded all the others in bodily size 
as much as the Gauls exceeded other peoples, and sent 
them to Rome to cor ,ilain that the Fabii, while serv- 
ing as ambassadors, had joined in war against him, 
contrary to the law cf nations. He demanded that they 
should be given up to him for punishment unless the 
Romans wished to make the crime their own. The 
Romans acknowled red that the Fabii had done wrong, 
but having great ■ aspect for that distinguished family, 
they urged the Giuls to accept a pecuniary compensa- 
tion from them. As the latter refused, they elected the 
Fabii military tribunes for that year, and then said 
to the Gallic anbassadors that they could not do any- 
thing to the F ibii now because they were now holding 
office, but toll them to come again next year if they 
were still in a bad humour. Brennus and the Gauls 
under him considered this an insult and took it hard. 
Accordingl' they sent around to the other Gauls ask- 
ing them to make common cause of war with them. 
When a 1 irge number had collected in obedience to this 
summon? they broke camp and marched against Rome. 
— Appi.-.n, trans. AVhite, IV., Ch. 1-3. 

(Continued on Page 4.) 



Cupyrifllt 1913, McKinley Publrshme Co , T .lailelpliia. Pa. 



McKinleys beries of Geographical and Historical Outline- Maps. No. 42. Italy. 




Copyright, 1900, The McKinley Publishing Co., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Map Work for Topic A 18. 

Show on the map the important lines of Roman roads in Italy with the names of the principal cities located along these 
routes. 1 

References: Dow, Plate 3"; Labberton, Plat- XIV; Murray, Plato 8; Putzger, pp. 10-11; Sanborn, pp. IS, 19; Shep- 
herd, p. 29; Botsford, Ancient, p. 395; Botsford, Ancient World, p. 362; Webster, Ancient, p. 3.17; West, Ancient, p. 
300; Wolfson, Ancient, pp. 364-265; Abbott, Rome, p. 95; Botsford, Rome, p. 64; Smith, Rome, p. 1; West, Ancient World, 
Part II, p. 308. . r . . 



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McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



SOURCE-STUDY- Continued. 

... I find that it was this nation that came to Clus- 
ium, and thence to Rome; whether alone, or aided by 
all the nations of the Cisalpine Gauls, is not duly ascer- 
tained. The Clusians, terrified at their strange enemy, 
on beholding their great nmnbers, the forms of the men 
such as they had never seen, and the kind of arms 
[they carried], and on hearing that the troops of the 
Etrurians had been frequently defeated by them on 
both sides of the Po, sent ainbassadors to Rome to 
solicit aid from the senate, tAough they had no claim 
on the Roman people, in respect either of alliance or 
'''"ndship, except that they had not defended their 
relations the Veientians dgainst the Roman people. 
No aid vtas obtained: tl:ree ambassadors were sent, sons 
of Marcus Fabius iinbustus, to treat with the Gauls in 
the name of the senate and Roman people ; that they 
should not attack the allies and friends of the Roman 
people from whom they had received no wrong. . . . 

. . . On the Romans asking what right they had to 
demand land from the possessors, or to threaten war 
[in case of refusal], and -what business the Gauls had 
in Etruria, and on their fiercely replying, that they 
carried their right in their swords, that all things were 
the property of the brave, with minds inflamed on both 
sides they severally have recourse to arms, and the 
battle is commenced. Here, fate now pressing hard on 
the Roman city, the ambassadors, contrary to the law 
of nations, take up arms. ... 

... In the meanwhile the Gauls, on hearing that 
honour was even conferred on the violators of human 
law, and that their embassy was slighted, inflamed with 
resentment, over which that nation has no control, im- 
mediately snatch up their standards, and enter on their 
march with the utmost expedition. , . . The rapid ad- 
vance of the enemy brought the greatest consternation to 
Rome . . . They meet them . . . where the river Al- 
lia . . . joins the river Tiber. .... 

. . . Great slaughter was made on the bank of the 
Tiber, whither the entire left wing, having thrown 
down their arms directed their fight . . . Those on 
the right wing which had been posteid at a distance 
from the river, . . . all made for Rome, and, without 
even shutting the gates, fled into the citadel. . . . 

... At Rome all arrangements being now made, as 
far as was possible in such an emergency, for the de- 
fence of the citadel, the crowd of aged persons having 
returned to their houses, awaited the enemy's coming 
with minds firmly prepared for death. . . . The Gauls, 
. . . entering the city the next day, . . . through the 
Colline gate which lay open, advance into the forum, 
casting their eyes around on the temples of the gods, 
and on the citadel, which alone exhibited any appear- 
ance of war. From thence, after leaving a small guard, 
lest any attack should be made on them whilst scat- 
tered, from the citadel or Capitol, they dispersed in 
quest of plunder; the streets being entirely desolate, 
rush some of them in a body into the houses that were 
nearest; some repair to those which were most distant, 
considering those to be untouched and abounding with 
spoil. Afterwards being terrified by the very solitude, 
lest any stratagem of the enemy should surprise them 
whilst being dispersed, they returned in bodies into the 
forum and the parts adjoining to the forum, wlsere the 
houses of the commons being shut, and the halls of 
the leading men lying open, almost greater backward- 
ness was felt to attack the open than the shut houses; 
SO completely did they behold with a sort of veneration 



men sitting on the porches of the palaces, who besides 
their ornaments and apparel more august than human, 
bore a striking resemblance to gods, in the majesty 
which their looks and the gravity of their countenance 
displayed. Whilst they stood gazing on these as on 
statues, it is said that Marcus Papirius, one of them, 
roused the anger of a Gaul by striking him on the head 
with his ivory, while he was stroking his beard, which 
was then universally worn long ; and that the commence- 
ment of the bloodshed began with him, that the rest were 
slain in their seats. After the slaughter of the nobles, 
no person whatever was spared j the houses were 
plundered, and when emptied were set on fire. . . . 

The Gauls also, after having for several days waged 
an ineffectual war against the buildings of the city, 
when they saw that among the fires and ruins of the 
captured city nothing now remained except armed ene- 
mies, neither terrified by so many disasters, nor likely 
to turn their thoughts to a surrender, unless force were 
employed, determine to have recourse to extremities, 
and to make an attack on the citadel. . . . Laying aside 
all hope of succeeding by force of arms, they prepare 
for a blockade ... 

... At Rome, the siege, in general, was slow, and 
there was quiet on both sides, the Gauls being intent 
only on this, that none of the enemy should escape 
from between their posts . . . 

But beyond all the evils of siege and war, famine dis- 
tressed both armies ; pestilence, moreover [oppressed] 
the Gauls. ... A truce was now made with the Ro- 
mans, and conferences were held with the permission of 
the commanders . . . The army of the Capitol wearied 
out with keeping guard and with watches, having sur- 
mounted all human sufferings, whilst nature would not 
suffer famine alone to be overcome, looking forward 
from day to day, to see whether any succour would 
come from the dictator, at length not only food, but 
hope also failing, and their arms weighing down their 
debilitated bodies, whilst the guards were being relieved, 
insisted that there should be either a surrender, or that 
they should be bought off, on whatever terms were pos- 
sible, the Gauls intimating in rather plain terms, that 
they could be induced for no very great compensation 
to relinquish the siege. Then the senate was held and 
instructions were given to the military tribunes to 
capitulate. Upon this the matter was settled between 
Quintus Sulpicius, a military tribune, and Brennus, the 
chieftain of the Gauls, and one thousand pounds' weight 
of gold was agreed on as the ransom of a people, who 
were soon after to be the rulers of tlie world. To a 
transaction very humiliating in itself, insult was added. 
False weights were brought by the Gauls, and on the 
tribune objecting, his sword was thrown in in addition 
to the weight by the insolent Gaul, and an expression 
was heard intolerable to ihe Romans, "Woe to the 
vanquished !" 

But both gods and men interfered to prevent the 
Romans from living on the condition of being ransomed; 
for by some chance, . . . the dictator comes up . . . 
He orders his men to throw their baggage in a heap, 
and to get ready their arms, and to recover their coun- 
try with steel, not with gold . . . The Gauls, thrown 
into confusion by the unexpected event, take up arms. 
... At the first encounter, . . . the Gauls were routed 
with no greater difficulty than they had found in gain- 
ing the victory at Allia. They were afterwards beaten 
under the conduct and auspices of the same Camillus, in 
a more regular engagement. — Livy, V., Ch. 35-49 
(Bohn). 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Topic A 19. The Acquisition by Rome of a World Empire. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. The establishment of Roman supremacy in the West- 

ern Mediterranean. 

a) The two rivals in the West, Rome and Carth- 

age: relative strength and weakness. 

b) The acquisition of Sicily (The First Punic War), 

264-241 B. C. 

1) Causes. 

2) Duillius at Mylse. 

3) Catullus and the Battle of the ^Egatian 

Islands. 

4) Terms of treaty. 

c) The interval in Rome, 241-218 B. C. 

1) Organization of the first province. 

2) Acquisition of Sardinia and Corsica. 

3) Conquest of Cisalpine Gaul. 

d) The interval in Carthage, 241-218 B. C. 

1) The Truceless War. 

2) Conquest of Spain. 

e) Hannibal and the Second Punic War, 218-201 

B. C. 

1) Occasion. 

2) Hannibal's preparation and route. 

3) Ticinus, Trebia, Lake Trasemene. 

4) Fabius, the Delayer. 

5) Canna;, 216 B. C. 

6) Fall of Capua, Tarentum and Syracuse. 

7) Marcellus and the reconquest of Syracuse. 

8) Metaurus, 207 B. C. 

9) Scipio Africanus in Spain and at Zama. 
10) Results. 

2. Establishment of Roman supremacy in the Eastern 

M editerranean. 

a) The Eastern World. 

1) Divisions of Alexander's Empire. 

2) Condition of Eastern World in 216 B. C. 

b) Conquest of Macedonia and Asia Minor, 21 fi- 

les B. C. 

1) Connection of Macedonia with the Punic 

Wars. 

2) Schemes of Antiochus the Great and Philip 

of Macedonia. 

3) Scipio Asiaticus and the overthrow of 

Antiochus — Magnesia. 

4) Cynoscephalae and Pydna. 

c) The conquest of Greece, 146 B. C. 

1) Rival leagues in Greece and their in- 

trigues. 

2) Mummius and the destruction of Corinth. 

d) Acquisition of Asia. 

3. Cato the Censor and the fall of the Carthaginian 

power, 146-133 B. C. 

a) Cato's attitude. 

b) Scipio ^milianus and the destruction of Carth- 

age, 146 B. C. 

c) Completion of conquest of Spain — Numantia. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 254-272; Botsford, An- 
cient World, Sees. 412-443; Goodspeed, Sees. 398-413, 426-434; 
Morey, Ancient, pp. 315-343; Myers, Ancient, Sees. 425-454, 457- 
463; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 139-149; West, Ancient, Sees. 
356-391; Westermann, Ancient, ch. 26-27, 29; Wolfson, Ancient, 
Sees. 273-315, 328-341; Abbott, Rome, Sees. 141-208; Botsford, 
Rome, ch. 5; Morev, Rome, pp. 100-143; Myers, Rome, Sees. 
85-135, 138-145; Sm'ith, Rome, eh. 10-16, 19-20; West, Ancient 
World, Part II, ch. 29-31, 



Collateral Reading. — Botsford, Story of Rome, ch. 5; Church, 
Carthage; Creasy, ch. 4; Fowler, Rome, ch. 4, pp. 111-118; B'ree- 
man, Sicily, ch. 14-16; Oilman, ch. 10-11; Pelham, pp. 114-157; 
Plutarch, Lives of Fabius, Aemilius Paulus; Seignobos, pp. 
238-245; Seignobos, Roman People, pp. 86-142; Smith, Carth- 
age and Carthaginians; Smith, Rome and Carthage. 

Additional Reading. — Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, 
Sees. 72-84; Cunningham, Western Civilization, Vol. I, ch. 1; 
Dodge, Hannibal; Duruy, Vol. 1, pp. 525-686, Vol. 11, pp. 
1-257; Ferrero, Vol. I, pp. 14-19, ch. 2; Granrud, pp. 106-111, 
128-131; Heitland, Roman Republic, ch. 9-17; How and Leigh, 
ch. 17-27; Ihne, Vol. I, Boole III, ch. 18, Vol. II, Book IV, ch. 
1-9, Vol. Ill, Book V, ch. 1-7; Mommsen, Vol. II, ch. 1-10; 
Sandys, Latin Studies, pp. 489-496; Schuckburgh, ch. 17-20, 
22-25, 27-28; Souttar, Carthage, ch. 1, 3-7, Rome, ch. 9-15, 17. 

Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 33-34, pp. 374-375; Davis, Rome, 
Nos. 20-30; Laing, pp. 359-386; Munro, Nos. 25-27, 40, 63-72; 
Webster, Nos. 78-81. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

(1) Note how and why Rome was involved in war with 
Carthage; the essentially maritime character of the first 
struggle; the advances made by Rome between the first and 
second Punic Wars; the setbacks of Carthage; the route taken 
by Hannibal and the crises in the Second Punic War; and 
the reason for Rome's final success. 

(2) Note the way the Eastern World was divided in 216 
B. C; the conditions which prompted Roman interference; the 
hesitation of Rome to assume responsibility for the government 
of the East. 

(3) Note how and why Rome proceeded to destroy Carth- 
age; and how all Spain was acquired as a result of the Punic 
Wars. 



SOURCESTUDY. 

"THE ROMAN ARMY. 

The Romans were masters of the art of war and it was 
through their perfection of the older and more primitive 
methods of warfare that they attained success in Italy and in 
the Mediterranean basin. The follomng extracts describe in 
considerable detail the incentives offered for excellent service, 
and the arrangement and effectiveness of the legion. 

MILITARY REWARDS AND PUNISHMENTS. 

Then the Tribunes at once hold a court-martial, and 
the man who is found guilty is punished by the fustuar- 
iumj the nature of which is this. The "Tribune takes 
a cudgel and merely touches the condemned man; 
whereupon all the soldiers fall upon him with cudgels 
and stones. Generally speaking men thus punished are 
killed on the spot; but if by any chance, after running 
the gauntlet, they manage to escape from the camp, 
they have no hope of ultimately surviving even so. They 
may not return to their own country, nor would any one 
venture to receive such an one into his house. There- 
fore those who have once fallen into this misfortune are 
utterly and finally ruined. The same fate awaits the 
prsefect of the squadron, as well as his rear-rank man, 
if they fail to give the necessary order at the proper 
time, the latter to the patrols, and the former to the 
prsefect of the next squadron. The result of the sever- 
ity and inevitableness of this punishment is that in the 
Roman army the night watches are faultlessly kept. 
The common soldiers are amenable to the Tribunes ; the 
Tribunes to the Consuls. The Tribune is competent to 
punish a soldier by inflicting a fine, distraining his 
goods, or ordering him to be flogged; so too the prae- 
fects in the case of the cocii. The punishment of the 
fustuarium is assigned also to any one committing theft 
in the camp, or bearing false witness: as also to any 
one who in full manhood is detected in shameful im- 
morality: or to any one who has been thrice punished 

(Continued on Pafie 4) 



Copyri^t. 1913, UcKisler PubliBhinft Ca. Philadelpliia Pa. 




CO 





McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



SOURCE-STUDY— Continued. 

for the same offence. All these things are punished as 
crimes. But such as the following are reckoned as cow- 
ardly and dishonourable in a soldier: — for a man to 
make a false report to the Tribunes of his valour in 
order to get reward; or for men who have been told 
off to an ambuscade to quit the place assigned them 
from fear; and also for a man to throw away any of 
his arms from fear, on the actual field of battle. Con- 
sequently it sometimes happens that men confront cer- 
tain death at their stations, because, from their fear of 
the punishment awaiting them at home, they refuse to 
quit their post: while others, who have lost shield or 
spear or any other arm on the field, throw themselves 
upon the foe, in hopes of recovering what they have 
lost, or of escaping by death from certain disgrace and 
the insults of their relations. 

But if it ever happens that a number of men are in- 
volved in these same acts: if, for instance, some entire 
maniples have quitted their ground in the presence of 
the enemy, it is deemed impossible to subject all to the 
fustuarium or to military execution ; but a solution of 
the difficulty has been found at once adequate to the 
maintenance of discipline and calculated to strike ter- 
ror. The Tribune assembles the legion, calls the de- 
faulters to the front, and, after administering a sharp 
rebuke, selects five or eight or twenty out of them by 
lot, so that those selected should be about a tenth of 
those who have been guilty of the act of cowardice. 
These selected are punished with the fustuarium without 
mercy; the rest are put on rations of barley instead of 
wheat, and are ordered to take up their quarters out- 
side the vallum and the protection of the camp. As 
all are equally in danger of having the lot fall on them, 
and as all alike who escape that, are made a conspic- 
uous example of by having their rations of barley, the 
best possible means are thus taken to inspire fear for 
the future, and to correct the mischief which has actually 
occurred. 

A very excellent plan also is adopted for inducing 
young soldiers to brave danger. When an engagement 
has taken place and any of them have shown conspic- 
uous gallantry, the Consul summons an assembly of the 
legion, puts forward those whom he considers to have 
distinguished themselves in any way, and first compli- 
ments each of them individually on his gallantry, and 
mentions any other distinctions he may have earned in 
the course of his life, and then presents them with 
gifts: to the man who has wounded an enemy, a spear; 
to the man who has killed one and stripped his armour, 
a cup, if he be in the infantry, horse-trappings if in the 
cavalry; though originally the only present made was a 
spear. This does not take place in the event of their 
having wounded or stripped any of the enemy in a set 
engagement or the storming of a town; but in skir- 
mishes or other occasions of that sort, in which, with- 
out there being any positive necessity for them to ex- 
pose themselves singly to danger, they have done so 
voluntarily and deliberately. In the capture of a town 
those who are first to mount the walls are presented 
with a gold crown. So too those who have covered 
and saved any citizens or allies are distinguished by 
the Consul with certain presents; and those whom they 
have preserved present them voluntarily with a crown, 
or if not, they are compelled to do so by the Tribunes. 
. . . The recipients of such rewards not only enjoy 
great glory among their comrades in the army, and an 
immediate reputation at home, but after their return 
they are marked men in all solemn festivals; for they 



alone, who have been thus distinguished by the Consuls 
for bravery, are allowed to wear robes of honour on 
those occasions: and moreover they place the spoils 
they have taken in the most conspicuous places in their 
houses, as visible tokens and proofs of their valour. No 
wonder that a people, whose rewards and punishments 
are allotted with such care and received with such feel- 
ings, should be brilliantly successful in war. 

The pay of the foot soldier is 5 1-3 asses* a day; of 
the centurion, 10 2-3;** of the cavalry 16. The in- 
fantry receive a ration of wheat equal to about 2-3 of 
an Attic medimnus a month, and the cavalry 7 medimni 
of barley, and 2 of wheat; of the allies the infantry 
receive the same, the cavalry 11-3 medimnus of wheat, 
and 5 of barley. This is a free gift to the allies; but 
in the cases of the Romans, the Qusestor stops out of 
their pay the price of their corn and clothes, or any 
additional arms they may require at a fixed rate. — 
Polybius, trans. Schuckburgh, VI., Ch. 37-39. 

THE ORDER OF BATTLE. 

The spearmen (hastati) formed the first line in fifteen 
companies, with small intervals between them: a com- 
pany had twenty light-armed soldiers, the rest wearing 
shields ; those were called light who carried only a 
spear and short iron javelins. This, which constituted 
the van in the field of battle, contained the youth in 
early bloom advancing towards the age of service. Next 
followed men of more robust age, in the same number 
of companies, who were called principes, all wearing 
shields, and distinguished by the completest armour. 
This band of thirty companies they called antepilani, 
because there were fifteen others placed behind them 
with the standards; of which each company consisted 
of three divisions, and the first division of each they 
called a pilus. Each company consisted of three en- 
signs, and contained one hundred and eighty-six men. 
The first ensign was at the head of the Triarii, veteran 
soldiers of tried bravery; the second, at the head of 
the Rorarii, men whose ability was less by reason of 
their age and course of service; the third, at the head 
of the Accensi, a body in whom very little confidence 
was reposed. For this reason also they were thrown 
back to the rear. When the army was marshalled ac- 
cording to this arrangement, the spearmen first com- 
menced the fight. If the spearmen were unable to re- 
pulse the enemy, they retreated leisurely, and were re- 
ceived by the principes into the intervals of the ranks. 
The fight then devolved on the principes ; the spear- 
men followed. The Triarii continued kneeling behind 
the ensigns, their left leg extended forward, holding 
their shields resting on their shoulders, and their spears 
fixed in the ground, with the points erect, so that their 
line bristled as if enclosed by a rampart. If the prin- 
cipes also did not make sufficient impression in the fight, 
they retreated slowly from the front to the Triarii. 
Hence, when a difficulty is felt, "Matters have come to 
the Triarii," became a usual proverb. The Triarii ris- 
ing up, after receiving the principes and spearmen into 
the intervals between their ranks, immediately closing 
their files, shut up as it were the openings; and in 
one compact body fell upon the enemy, no other hope 
now being left: that was the most formidable circum- 
stance to the enemy, when having pursued them as 
vanquished, they beheld a new line suddenly starting 
up, increased also in strength. — ^Livy, VIII., Ch. 8. 
(Bohn). 

*About 8 cents. 
**About 16 cents. 



Mckinley's illustrated Topics <or Ancient History. 



Topic A 20. The Revolution: The Gracchi, Marius and Sulla. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. The Gracchi and the beginning of the Revolution. 

a) Conditions favorable to revolution. 

1) Eastern conquests. 

2) Imperial responsibilities. 

3) Form of government. 

4) Class divisions. 

b) Tiberius and the land problem. 

c) Political and economic reforms of Gains Grac- 

chus. 

d) Changes effected by the careers of the Gracchi. 

e) Reaction against the Gracchi — Lex Thoria. 

2. Marius and Sulla and the interference of the army, 

119-79 B. C. 

a) Rise of Marius. 

1) War with Jugurtha, 112-106 B. C. 

2) Invasion of Cimbri and Teutons and the 

results. 

3) Marius as a politician. 

b) Drusus and the Social War, 91-88 B. C. 

c) Rise of Sulla. 

1) First Mithradatic War, 88-84. B. C. 

2) Struggle in Rome. 

3) Sulla's campaign in the East. 

d) Dictatorship of Sulla, 82-79 B. C. 

1) Proscriptions. 

2) Constitutional changes. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 273-291; Botsford, An- 
cient World, Sees. 4-14-471; Goodspeed, Sees. 414-425, 435-466; 
Morey, Ancient, eh. 23-25; jMyers, Ancient, Sees. 455-456, 464- 
478; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 149-157; West, Ancient, Sees. 392- 
430; Westermann, Ancient, ch. 28, 30-32; Wolf son. Ancient, 
Sees. 342-384; Abbott, Rome, Sees. 209-244, 257-288; Botsford, 
Rome, ch. 6-7; Morev, Rome, pp. 143-179; Mvers, Rome, Sees. 
136-137, 146-179; Smith, Rome, ch. 18, 21-28; West, Ancient 
World, Part II, eh. 28, 32-34. 

Collateral Reading. — Abbott, Society, "Women under the 
Roman Republic"; Beeslev, The Gracchi; Botsford, Story of 
Rome, pp. 136-140, 150-188; Fowler, ch. 5-6; Gilman, pp. 149- 
159, ch. 12-13, 18; Masom, Dechne of the Oligarchy, ch. 1-8; 
Oman, Seven Roman Statesmen, ch. 1-5; Pelham, pp. 188-239, 
259-271, 292-305; Plutarch, Lives of Cato the Censor, the 
Gracchi, Marius and Sulla; Seignobos, pp. 248-284; Seignobos, 
Roman People, ch. 11-14. 

Additional Reading. — Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, 
Sees. 85-97; Cunningham, Western Civilization, Vol. I, Book 
III, ch. 2; Duruv, Vol. II, pp. 258-692, Vol. Ill, pp. 1-54; 
Ferrero, Vol. I, ch. 3-5; Granriid, pp. 128-131, 134-210; Heit- 
land, Roman Republic, ch. 18-31; How and Leigh, ch. 28-44; 
Ihne, Vol. IV, Books VI-VII, Vol. V, Book VII, ch. 7-23; 
Merivale, Vol. I, ch. 1; Mommsen, Vol. II, ch. 11-14, Vol. 
Ill, ch. 1-13; Schuekburgh, ch. 21, 26, 32, 34-40; Souttar, Rome, 
ch. 16, 18-25. 

Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 35-36; Daris, Rome, Nos. 16, 
18-19, 31-42; Munro, Nos. 28-31, 73-81, 83-88, 179-183; Webster, 
Nos. 82-85. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

(1) Note how each of these conditions had brought about 
great changes in Rome, Italy and throughout the Mediterranean 
World, creating unrest and discontent and a demand for im- 
portant changes and readjustments in consequence. Note the 
nature of the land problem, and the unconstitutional means 
used by Tiberius Gracchus to remedy the economic and 
political conditions resulting therefrom; the more elaborate 
reform program of Gaius Gracchus; his use of parties; and the 
reaction in favor of the senate following his death. 

(2) Note the widespread corruption prevalent in Rome in 
connection with the advent of Marius; the grave danger threat- 
ened by the Gallic invasion; the popularity attained by Marius 
through his military exploits and his entrance into politics in 
consequence; and his failure as a political leader. 

Note the similarity of conditions prevailing in Italy with 
those in Rome itself, in the oppression of the allies; the ap- 
pearance of Drusus as their champion; his failure and the 
effects of the war upon Italy; and the appearance of a rival 
military hero in Sulla. Note the danjjer threatening in the 



East; the struggle in Rome for the command; the use of the 
army to settle the question ; the exile of Marius and his return ; 
the return of Sulla and his effort to put an end to further 
political strife by his reforms. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

THE CHANGES IN THE LIFE OF THE ROMANS 
WHICH FOLLOWED THEIR CONQUEST OF 

THE EAST. 
Many and radical were the changes which resulted from 
the contact of the Romans with the East. Their entire mode 
of life changed; simplicity gave way to luxury. These changes, 
however, did not come about without a struggle. Cato the 
Elder and Scipio Africanus represent the conservative element 
who were constantly striving to hark back to the old Roman 
simplicity of life. The extract from Polybius describing his 
friendship with Scipio throws considerable light upon the 
luxury of the time. Polybius was one of the thousand hostages 
sent to Rome after the battle of Pydna. He came to be a 
great admirer of Roman institutions. 

. . . By this army returning from Asia was the origin 
of foreign luxury imported into the city. These men 
first brought to Rome gilded couches, rich tapestry, with 
hangings and other works of the loom ; and, what were 
then deemed magnificent furniture, single-footed tables 
and buffets. At entertainments, likewise, were intro- 
duced female players on the harp and timbrel, with 
buffoons for the diversion of the guests. Their meats 
also began to be prepared with greater care and cost; 
while the cook, whom the ancients considered as the 
meanest of their slaves both in estimation and use, be- 
came highly valuable, and what was considered as a ser- 
vile office began to be considered an art. Nevertheless, 
those introductions which were then looked on as re- 
markable were scarcely even the seeds of the future 
luxury.— Livy, XXXIX, Ch. 6 (Bohn). 



From that time forward thei' continually gave each 
other practical proof of an affection which recalled the 
relationship of father and son, or of kinsmen of the 
same blood. The first impulse and ambition of a noble 
kind with which he [Scipio] was inspired was the desire 
to maintain a character for chastity, and to be superior to 
the standard observed in that respect among his contem- 
poraries. This was a glory which, great and difficult 
as it generally is, was not hard to gain at that period 
in Rome, owing to the general deterioration of morals. 
Some had wasted their energies on favorite youths ; 
others on mistresses; and a great many on banquets en- 
livened with poetry and wine, and all the extravagant 
expenditure which they entailed, having quickly caught 
during the war with Perseus the dissoluteness of Greek 
manners in this respect. And to such monstrous lengths 
had this debauchery gone among the young men, that 
many of them had given a talent for a young favorite. 
This dissoluteness had as it were burst into flame at 
this period ; in the first place, from the prevalent idea 
that, owing to the destruction of the ^Macedonian mon- 
archy, universal dominion was now secured to them 
beyond dispute ; and in the second place, from the im- 
mense difference made, both in public and private 
wealth and splendor, by the importation of the riches of 
Macedonia into Rome. Scipio, however, set his heart on 
a different path in life ; and by a steady resistance to 
his appetite, and by conforming his whole conduct to 
a consistent and undeviating standard, in about the first 
five years after this secured a general recognition of 
his character for goodness and purity. — Polybius, trans. 
Schuekburgh, XXXII, Ch. 11. 

(Continued on Page 4.) 



Copyright. 19!3, McKinley Publishins Co., Philadelphia. Pa. 




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58 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History, 



SOURCE-STUDY.— Continued. 

CATO, A ROMAN OF THE OLD SCHOOL, AND 
HIS CENSORSHIP. 

... So great powers of mind and energy of intellect 
were in this man, that, no matter how lowly the position 
in which he was born, he appeared capable of attaining 
to the highest rank. No one qualification for the man- 
agement of business, either public or private, was want- 
ing to him. He was equally skilled in affairs relating 
to town and country. Some have been advanced to the 
highest honors by their knowledge of the law, others 
by their eloquence, some by military renown ; but this 
man's genius was so versatile, and so well adapted to 
all things, that in whatever way engaged, it might be 
said, that nature formed him for that alone. In war, 
he was most courageous, distinguishing himself highly 
in many remarkable battles ; and, when he arrived at 
the highest posts, was likewise a most consummate com- 
mander. Then, in peace, if consulted on a point of 
law, he was the wisest counsellor; if a cause was to be 
pleaded, the most eloquent advocate. Nor was he one 
of those whose oratory was striking only during their 
own lives, without leaving after them any monument 
of it. On the contrary, his eloquence still lives, and 
will long live, consecrated to memory by writings of 
every kind. His orations are many, spoken for him- 
self, for others, and against others ; for he harassed 
his enemies, not only by supporting prosecutions against 
them, but by maintaining causes in opposition to them. 
Enmities in abundance gave him plenty of employment, 
and he never permitted them to lie dormant; nor was 
it easy to tell whether the nobility labored harder to 
keep him down, or he to oppress the nobility. His 
temper, no doubt, was austere, his language bitter and 
unboundedly free, but his mind was never conquered 
by his passions, his integrity was inflexible, and he 
looked with contempt on popularity and riches. In 
spare diet, in enduring toil and danger, his body and 
mind were like iron ; so that even old age, which brings 
all things to dissolution, did not break his vigour. In 
his eighty-sixth year he stood a trial, pleaded his own 
cause, and published his speech ; and in his ninetieth 
year, he brought Servius Galba to trial, before the 
people. 

On this occasion, when he was a candidate for the 
censorship, as in all his previous career, the nobility 
endeavoured to crush him. All the candidates, likewise, 
except Lucius Flaccus, who had been his colleague in 
the consulship, combined to disappoint him of the office, 
not merely with a view to their own success, in prefer- 
ence to him, or because they felt indignant at the idea 
of seeing a man of no family censor, but because from 
one who had received offence from most of them, and 
who wished to retaliate, they anticipated a severe censor- 
ship, that would endanger the reputations of many. 
For, even while soliciting, he uttered frequent menaces, 
and upbraided them with using their interest against 
him, because they dreaded an impartial and courageous 
execution of the duty of censor; at the same time, giv- 
ing his interest to Lucius Valerius. He said, that "he 
was the only colleague, in conjunction with whom he 
could correct modern profligacy, and re-establish the 
ancient morals." People were so inflamed by such 
discourses, that, in spite of the opposition made by the 



nobility, they not only made Marcus Porcius censor, 
but gave him for his colleague Lucius Valerius Flaccus. 

. . . The censors, Marcus Porcius and Lucius Va- 
lerius, while anxious curiosity was blended with fear, 
made their survey of the senate; they expelled seven 
from the senate, one of them a man of consular rank, 
highly distinguished by nobility of birth and honourable 
employments, — Lucius Quintus Flaminius. . . . 

In the review of the knights, Lucius Scipio Asiaticus 
was degraded. In fixing the rates of taxation, also, the 
censor's conduct was harsh and severe to all ranks of 
men. People were ordered to give account upon oath, 
of women's dress, and ornaments, and carriages exceed- 
ing in value fifteen thousand asses;* and it was further 
ordered, that slaves, younger than twenty years, which, 
since the last survey, had been sold for ten thousand 
asses** or more, should be estimated at ten times their 
value ; and that, on all these articles, a tax should be 
laid of three denariuses for each thousand asses.*** 
The censors took away water which belonged to the 
public running or carried into any private building or 
field; and they demolished within thirty days all build- 
ings or sheds, in possession of private persons, that pro- 
jected into public ground. . . . They farmed out the 
several branches of the revenue at the highest price and 
bargained with the contractors for the performance of 
the public services on the lowest terms. When the 
senate, overcome by the prayers and lamentations of 
the publicans, ordered those bargains to be revoked, 
and new agreements to be made; the censors, by an 
edict, excluded from competition the persons who had 
eluded the former contracts, and farmed out all the 
same branches at prices very little reduced. This was 
a remarkable censorship, and the origin of many deadly 
feuds: it rendered Marcus Porcius, to whom all the 
harshness was attributed, uneasy during the remainder 
of his life.— Livy, XXXIX, Ch. 40-42, 44 (Bohn). 



But what caused the greatest dissatisfaction were the 
restrictions which he as censor imposed on luxury. 
This vice he could not attack openly, because it had 
taken such deep root among the people; but he caused 
all clothes, carriages, women's ornaments, and furniture 
which exceeded fifteen hundred drachmas in value to 
be rated at ten times their value and taxed accordingly; 
for he thought that those who possessed the most valua- 
ble property ought to contribute most largely to the 
revenues of the state. A tax of but three copper asses 
for every thousand, on the other hand, he imposed 
upon all the citizens, that those who were burdened 
with an excessive taxation on luxuries, when they saw 
persons of frugal and simple habits paying so small a 
tax on the same income, might cease from their extrava- 
gance. This measure gained him the hatred of those 
who were taxed so heavily for their luxuries. 

Far from paying attention to those who blamed his 
policy, he proceeded to still severer measures. He cut 
off the water pipes, by which water was conveyed from 
the public fountains into private houses and gardens, and 
destroyed all houses which encroached upon public 
streets, lowered the price of contracts for public works, 
and farmed out the public revenues for the highest 
possible sums. — Plutarch, trans. Clough, Cato. 

*About $150. 

»*About $166. 

***A tax of three per cent. 



Mckinley's lllusifafed Topics /or Ancient HistorJ. 



Topic A 21. The Revolution: The Triumvirates. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. Pompey and Cssar and the passing of the republic, 

79-50 B. C. 

a) Rise of Pompe)^ 

1) Wars with Sertorius and with the gladi- 

ators. 

2) Overthrow of the Sullan constitution. 

3) Dictatorship against the pirates and Mith- 

ridates — The Gabinian and Manilian 
Laws. 

b) Rise of Cicero and Cassar. 

1) Prosecution of Verrcs. 

2) Cicero's consulship and conspiracy of 

Catiline, 63 B. C. 

3) Activities of Caesar. 

c) The First Triumvirate, 60-53 B. C. 

1) Organization and membership. 

2) CiEsar in Gaul, 58-50 B. C. 

3) Crassus in the East. 

2. The end of the republic, 50-31 B. C. 

a) Overthrow of Pompej^ and dictatorship of Caesar. 

1) Struggle with Pompey — Pharsalus. 

2) Rule of Caesar. 

b) Death of Caesar and struggle for the succession. 

1) Assassination of Caesar and party divi- 

sions. 

2) The Second Triumvirate, 43-27 B. C. 

c) Overthrow of the Triumvirate and establishment 

of the empire. 

1) Lepidus and his expulsion. 

2) Antony in Greece (Philippi) and in 

Egypt. 

3) Octavius, sole master of the Roman world. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, di. 8; Botsford, Ancient 
World, ch. 37; Goodspeed, Sees. 467-482; Morey, Ancient, 
eh. 20-37; Myers, Ancient, tli. 44; West, Ancient, ch. 35, Sees. 
550-56'7; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 158-166; Westermann, Ancient, 
ch. 33, Sees. 458-479; Wolf son. Ancient, Sees. 385-413; Abbott, 
Rome, Sees. 289-331; Botsford, Rome, ch. 8; Morey, Rome, eh. 
21-22; Myers, Rome, ch. 14; Smith, Rome, ch. 29-37; West, 
Ancient World, Part II, Sees. 446-472. 

Collateral Reading. — Abbott, Society, "Petrarch's Letters 
to Cicero" and "Career of Roman Student"; Abbott, Com- 
mon People, "Roman Politicians" and "Gaius Matlus, a Friend 
of Ciesar"; Botsford, Story of Rome, ch. 8; Davis, pp. 1-24; 
Fowler, Rome, ch. 7; Gilman, ch. 14-17; Merivale, Roman 
Triumvirates; Oman, Seven Roman Statesmen; Pelham, pp. 
240-258, 271-291, 305-397; Plutarch, Lives of Lucullus, Pompey, 
Caesar, Cicero, Antony, Brutus, Sertorius, Cato the Younger; 
Seignobos, pp. 284-288; Seignobos, Roman People, ch. 15-17. 

Additional Reading. — Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, 
Sees. 98-142; Duruv, Vol. II, pp. 55-734, Vol. IV, pp. 1-40; 
Ferrero, Vol. I, ch 6-18, Vol. II, Vol. Ill, Vol. IV, ch. 1-7; 
Ferrero, Characters, and Events, "Development of Gaul," "His- 
tory and Legend of Antony," etc.; Granrud, ch. 4-7; Greenidge, 
ch. 9; Heitland, Roman Republic, ch. 32-46; How and Leigh, 
ch. 45-52; Merivale, Vol. I, ch. 2-11, Vol. II, ch. 12-22, Vol. 
Ill, ch. 23-29; Mommsen, Vol. IV, ch. 1-12; Schuckburgh, 
ch. 41-46; Souttar, Rome, ch. 26-41; Strachan-Davidson, Cicero. 

Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 37; Davis, Rome, Nos. 43-55; 
Munro, Nos. 89-97; Webster, Nos. 86-96. 

SUGGESTIONS. 
(1) Note the rapid progress toward one-man rule; the 
immediate overturning of the Sullan constitution which was 
designed to prevent this; the appearance of new leaders and 
the circumstances which gave tliem prominence; the tremen- 
dous power conferred upon Pompey and his use of his posi- 
tion; the appearance of Caesar and Cicero as political leaders 
during Pompey's absence in the East; the division of the 
Roman World between the three members of the First Trium- 
virate; and the elimination of Crassus, leaving Caesar and 
Pompey us rivals. 



(2) Note tlie circumstances which gave rise to the struggle 
between Pompey and Caesar; the parties and principles repre- 
sented l)y each;" Caesar's sole rule and his program of changes; 
his death and the appearance of new aspirants for the supreme 
control; the formation of the second Triumvirate; its dissolu- 
tion, with the reasons, and the final establishment of "one- 
man" rule. 

SOURCE-STUDY. 

THE POWERS CONFERRED BY THE GABINIAN, 
AND MANILIAN LAWS. 

The powers conferred upon Pompey Ijy the Gabinian and 
Manilian Laws were revolutionary in character and materially 
hastened the approach of the empire. The whole Roman world 
lay at tlie mercy of Pompey as a careful reading of the powers 
conferred will show. Cicero came forward as an advocate 
of the extension of his power in the East and the extract from 
his speech in favor of the Manilian Law is therefore of 
special interest. 

When the Romans could no longer endure the damage 
and disgrace they made Gnaeus Pompe}^, who was then 
their man of greatest reputation, commander by law 
for three years, with absolute power over the whole 
sea within the Pillars of Hercules, and of the land for 
a distance of 400 stades from the coast. They sent let- 
ters to all kings, rulers, peoples, and cities, that they 
should aid Pompey in all ways. They gave him power 
to raise troops and to collect money from the provinces, 
and they furnished a large army from their own en- 
rollment, and all the ships they had, and money to 
the amount of 6000 Attic talents, — so great and diffi- 
cult did they consider the task of overcoming such great 
forces, dispersed over so wide a sea, hiding easily in 
CO many nooks, retreating quickly and darting out again 
unexpectedly. Never did any man before Pompey set 
forth with so great authority conferred upon him by 
the Romans. Presently he had an army of 120,000 
foot and 4000 horse, and 270 ships, including hemiolii. 
He had twenty-five assistants of senatorial rank, whom 
they call lieutenant-generals, among whom he divided 
the sea, giving ships, cavalrj', and infantry to each, and 
investing them with the insignia of praetors, in order that 
each one might have absolute authority over the part 
intrusted to him, while he, Pompey, like a king of kings, 
should course among them to see that they remained 
where they were stationed, lest, while he was pursuing 
the pirates in one place, he should be drawn to some- 
thing else before his work was finished, and so that 
there might be forces to encounter them everywhere and 
to prevent them from forming junctions with each 
other. . . . 

For this victory, so swiftly and unexpectedly gained, 
the Romans extolled Pompey beyond measure; and 
while he was still in Cilicia they chose him commander 
of the war against !Mithridates, giving him the same 
unlimited powers as before, to make war and peace as 
he liked, and to proclaim nations friends or enemies 
according to his own judgment. They gave him com- 
mand of all the forces bej'ond the borders of Italy. 
All these powers had never been given to any one gen- 
eral before. This was perhaps the reason why they 
gave him the title of Pompey the Great, for the Mithri- 
datic war had been successfully prosecuted by other 
generals before him. — Appian, trans. White, XII, Ch. 
14, 15. 

This piratic power having got the dominion and con- 
trol of all the I^Iediterranean, there was left no place 

(Continued on Page 4.) 



Copyrisht. 1913. McKinley Publishing Co., Pbitsdelpbia, Pa. 



McKinley's lllus'rated Topics for Ancient History. No. K 21. 

THE ROMAN CITY. 




View of the model of Pompeii, in tlie National Museum at Naples. Photograph copyrighted by Underwood & Underwood. 

SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS 
How does Pompei- ditTer as to general plan, streets, and buildings from a modern city ? What buildings are most con- 
spicuous ? Has the city a distinct business center ? A civic center ? A residential district ? 

Copyright, 1913. McKinley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. 



'i1 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



SOURCE-STUDY— Continued. 

for navigation or commerce. And this it was which 
most of all made the Romans, finding themselves to be 
extremely straitened in their markets, and considering 
that if it should continue, there would be a dearth and 
famine in the land, determine at last to send out Pom- 
pey to recover the seas from the pirates. Gabinius, 
one of Pompey's friends, preferred a law, whereby there 
was granted to him, not only the government of the 
seas as admiral, but in direct words, sole and irresponsi- 
ble sovereignty over all men. For the decree gave him 
absolute power and authority in all the seas within the 
pillars of Hercules, and in the adjacent mainland for 
the space of four hundred furlongs from the sea. Now 
there were but few regions in the Roman empire out 
of that compass ; and the greatest of the nations and 
most powerful of the kings were included in the limit. 
Moreover by this decree he had a power of selecting 
fifteen lieutenants out of the senate, and of assigning 
to each his province in charge; then he might take like- 
wise out of the treasury and out of the hands of the 
revenue-farmers what moneys he pleased ; as also two 
hundred sail of ships, with a power to press and levy 
what soldiers and seamen he thought fit. When this law 
was read, the common people approved of it exceed- 
ingly, but the chief men and most important among the 
senators looked upon it as an exorbitant power, even 
beyond the reach of envy, but well deserving their fears. 
Therefore concluding with themselves that such un- 
limited authority was dangerous, they agreed unani- 
mously to oppose the bill, and all went against it, except 
Caesar, who gave his vote for the law, not to gratify 
Pompey, but the people, whose favor he had courted 
underhand from the beginning, and hoped to compass 
for himself. . . . 

. . . And when the day was come, on which the bill 
was to pass by suffrage into a decree, Pompey went 
privately into the country; but hearing that it was 
passed and confirmed, he returned again into the city 
by night, to avoid the envy that might be occasioned by 
the concourse of people that would meet and congratu- 
late him. The next morning he came abroad and sacri- 
ficed to the gods, and having audience at an open 
assembly, so handled the matter that they enlarged his 
power, giving him many things besides what was al- 
ready granted, and almost doubling the preparation ap- 
pointed in the former decree. Five hundred ships 
were manned for him, and an army raised of one hun- 
dred and twenty thousand foot, and five thousand horse. 
Twenty-four senators that had been generals of armies 
were appointed to serve as lieutenants under him, and 
to these were added two qusestors. . . . 

When the news came to Rome that the war with the 
pirates was at an end, and that Pompey was unoccupied, 
diverting himself in visits to the cities for want of em- 
ployment, one Manlius, a tribune of the people, pre- 
ferred a law that Pompey should have all the forces 
of Lucullus, and the provinces under his government, 
together with Bithynia, which was under the command 
of Glabrio; and that he should forthwith conduct the 
war against the two kings, Mithridates and Tigranes, 
retaining still the same naval forces and the sovereignty 
of the seas as before. But this was nothing less than 
to constitute one absolute monarch of all the Roman 
empire. For the provinces which seemed to be exempt 
from his commission by the former decree, such as were 
Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, the up- 
per Colchis and Armenia, were all added in bv this lat- 



ter law, together with all the troops and forces with 
which Lucullus had defeated Mithridates and Tigranes. 
— Plutarch, trans. Clough, Pompey. 



... O ye immortal gods ! could the incredible and 
godlike virtue of one man in so short a time bring so 
much light to the republic, that you who had lately been 
used to see a fleet of the enemy before the mouth of the 
Tiber, should now hear that there is not one ship be- 
longing to the pirates on this side of the Atlantic? . . . 

But, to be sure, . . . Quintus Catulus, . , . and also 
Quintus Hortensius . . . disagree to this proposal. And 
I admit that their authority has in many instances had 
the greatest weight with you, and that it ought to have 
the greatest weight; but in this cause, although you are 
aware that the opinions of many very brave and illus- 
trious men are unfavourable to us, still it is possible for 
us, disregarding those authorities, to arrive at the truth by 
the circumstances of the ease and by reason. And so 
much the more easily because those very men admit that 
everything which has been said by me up to this time is 
true, — that the war is necessary, that it is an important 
war, and that all the requisite qualifications are in the 
highest perfection in Cnseus Pompeius. What, then, 
does Hortensius say? "That if the whole power must 
be given to one man, Pompeius alone is most worthy to 
have it; but that, nevertheless, the power ought not to 
be entrusted to one individual." That argument, how- 
ever, has now become obsolete, having been refuted 
much more by facts than by words. For you also, 
Quintus Hortensius, said many things with great force 
and fluency (as might be expected from your exceeding 
ability, and eminent facility as an orator) in the Senate 
against that brave man, Aulus Gabinius, when he had 
brought forward the law about appointing one comman- 
der-in-chief against the pirates ; and also from this place 
where I now stand, you made a long speech against that 
law. What then? By the immortal gods, if your 
authority had had greater weight with .the Roman peo- 
ple than the safety and real interests of the Roman 
people itself, should we have been this day in posses- 
sion of our present glory, and of the empire of the 
whole earth? Did this, then, appear to you to be do- 
minion, when it was a common thing for the ambassa- 
dors, and prsetors, and qusestors of the Roman people to 
be taken prisoners? When we were cut off from all 
supiDlies, both public and private, from all our provinces ? 
when all the seas were so closed against us, that we 
could neither visit any private estate of our own, nor 
an}' public domain beyond the sea? . . . 

When 3rou opposed that law, the Roman people, O 
Quintus Hortensius, thought that you, and the others 
who held the same opinion with you, delivered your sen- 
timents in a bold and gallant spirit. But still, in a mat- 
ter affecting the safety of the commonwealth, the Ro- 
man people preferred consulting its own feelings of 
indignation to your authority. Accordingly, one law, 
one man, and one 3'ear, delivered us not only from that 
misery and disgrace, but also caused us again at length 
to appear really to be masters of all nations and coun- 
tries by land and sea. And on this account the en-^ 
deavour to detract, shall I say from Gabinius, or from, 
Pompeius, or (what would be truer still) from both? 
appears to me particularly unworthy ; being done in 
order that Aulus Gabinius might not be appointed lieu- 
tenant to Cneeus Pompeius, though he requested and 
begged it. — Cicero, Extracts, Speech in Defence of the 
Manilian Law (Bohn). 



McKinJey's Illustrated Topics for AnclenI History. 

Topic A 22. Augustus and His Age. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. Personality of Augustus (The Man). 

2. His plans and acliievements (His Work). 

a) The Empire and its organization (The 

Dj'archy). 

b) The Empire and its boundaries. 

c) Social and religious reforms. 

d) Meecenas and the growth of lit . ature. 

1) Circumstances favorable to growth of 

Latin literature. 

2) The writers of tl; ^rly republic and their 

works. 

3) The T^ritero of the revolL 'onary epoch. 

4) T'l. Golden Age. 

e) Question of the succession. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 307-310; Botsford, An- 
cient World, Sees. 496-504; Goodspeed, Sees. 484-500; More' 
Ancient, ch. 28; Jlrers, Ancient, ch. 45; M'ebster, Ancient, Sees. 
168-170, 174; West, Ancient, Sees. 456, 46i3-465, 471-472, 485- 
487, 489-191; Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 480-503; Wolfson, 
Ancient, Sees. 414-420, 449-452; Abbott, Rome, Sees. 333-350; 
Botsford, Rome, pp. 204-218; Morev, Rome, ch. 23; Myers, 
Rome. ch. 15; Smith, Rome, pp. 328-344; West, Ancient World, 
Part II, Sees. 568-575, 592-595, 604-605, 624-626. 

Collateral Reading. — Botsford, Story of Rome, pp. 233-241; 
Capes, Early Empire, ch. 1; Davis, pp. 34-64; Firth, Augustus; 
Fowler, Rome, ch. 8; Pelham, pp. 398-470; Seignobos, pp. 
289-393, 313-314; Seignobos, Roman People, ch. 18-19. 

Additional Reading. — Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, 
ch. 12-17, 19-20; Duruy, Vol. IV, pp. 40-400; Ferrero, Vol. 
IV, ch. 8-11, Vol. V; Ferrero, Characters and Events, "Nero," 
"Julia" and "Tiberius"; Greenidge; Jones, Roman Empire, 
ch. 1 ; Merivale, Vol. Ill, ch. 30-32, Vol. IV, ch. 33-41 ; Morris, 
Classical Literature, pp. 257-343; Sandys, Latin Studies, pp. 
285-297, 602-629, 646-665. 

Source Books. — Botsford, 464-474; Davis, Rome, Nos. 
56-62; Munro, Nos. 21-24, 32-36, 98-100, 184; Webster, No. 97. 

SUGGESTIONS. 
(1) Note the principal characteristics of Augustus, and how 
these helped or hindered him in his work; (2) his efforts to 
reconcile the old and the new in the government; the division 
of power between the sinate and emperor; the attempts to fix 
upon natural boundaries .:nd the success attained; the effort 
to inspire the people with h Aer moral standards and '.emove 
abuses; the encouragement of literature and tin: reasons for 
the imperial patronage of a .thors; the p-'tac success of the 
writers; and the eflforts to solve the '^rrMem of a successor, 

SOURCE-STUD^r. 

THE DEEDS OF AUGUSTUS. 

The Momimentum Ancyravum, from whicli thi^ extract is 
taken, is probably the most famous inscripl ion which has 
come down to vis from ancien; times. It recou is the events 
of the reign of Aug\i'=tus and is as remarkable ir its omis- 
sions as for the events which are included in the i-ecord. It 
was probably a copy of an i!>itaph designed to b.' placed 
before the mausoleum of the Emperor. It is suggested that 
this account of the reign be compared carefully v ith that to 
be found in the textbook. 

Below is a copy of the deeds of the &i\ Ine Augustus, 
by which he subjected the whole world to tht- dominion 
of the Roman people, and of the amounts whicii he ex- 
pended upon the commonwealth and the Roman people, 
as engraved upon two brazen columns which are set up 
at Rome. 

In my twentieth year, acting upon my own judgment 
and at my own expense, I raised an army by means of 
which I restored to liberty the commonwealth which had 
been oppressed by the tyranny of a faction. On account 
of this the senate by laudatory decrees admitted me to 
its orderj in the consulship of Gains Pansa and Anlus 



Hirtius, ind at the same time gave me consular rank in 
the expression of opinion, and gave me the imperium. 
It also voted that I as propraetor, together with the con- 
suls, should see to it that the commonwealth suffered no 
harm. In iUv same year, moreover, when both consuls 
had perished in war, the people made me consul, and 
triumvir for organising the commonwealth. 

Those who killed my father I drove into exile by 
lawful judgments, avenging their crime, and afterwards, 
when they waged war againsl the commonwealth, I 
twice defeated them in battle. 

I undertook civil and foreign wars by land and sea 
throughout the whole world, and as victor I showed 
mercy to all surviving citizens. Foreign peoples, who 
could be pardoned with safety, I p -lerred to preserve 
rather than to destroy. About fi -i hundred thousand 
Roman citizens took the militar' oath of allegiance to 
me. Of these I have settled ir colonies or sent back to 
their munidpia, upon the ex: .ration of their terms of 
service, somewhat over thrc: Imndred thousand, and to 
all these I have given land purchased by me, or money 
for farms, out of my owi means. I have captured six 
hundred ships, besides 'chose which were smaller than 
triremes. 

Twice I have triuvn23hed in the ovation, and three 
times in the curule triumph, and I have been twenty-one 
times saluted as imperator. After that, when the senate 
decreed me many Ijriumphs, I declined them. Likewise 
I often deposited the laurels in the Capitol in fulfilment 
of vows which 1 had also made in battle. On account of 
enterprises brought to a successful issue on land and 
sea by me, or by my lieutenants under my auspices, the 
senate fifty-fi -e times decreed that there should be a 
thanksgiving >o the immortal gods. The number of 
days, moreovei , on which thanksgiving was rendered in 
accordance with the decree of the senate was eight hun- 
dred and ninety. In mj'^ triumphs there have been led 
before my chariot nine kings, or children of kings. 
When I wrote these words I had been thirteen times 
'"" v'll, and was in the thirty-seventh year of the tri- 
buniti);l power. 

. . . By the consent of the senate and the Roman peo- 
ple I was voted the sole charge of the laws and of morals, 
with the fullest power; but I accepted the proffer of no 
office which was contrary to the customs of the country. 
The measures of which the senate at that time wished 
me to take charge, I accomplished in virtue of my posses- 
sion of the tribunitial power. In this office I five times 
associated with myself a colleague, with the consent of 
the senate. 

For ten years in succession I was one of the triumvirs 
for organizing the commonwealth. Up to that day on 
which I write these words I have been princeps of the 
senate through forty years. I have been pontifex maxi- 
mus, augur, a member of the quindecemviral college of 
the sacred rites, of the septemviral college of the ban- 
quets, an Arval Brother, a member of the Titian sodality, 
and a fetial. 

Janus Quirinus, which it was the purpose of our 
fathers to close when there was peace won by victory 
throughout the whole empire of the Roman people on 
land and sea, and which, before I was born, from the 
foundation of the city, was reported to have been closed 



(Continued on Page 4.) 



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McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



SOURCE-STUDY.— Continued. 

twice in all, the senate three times ordered to be closed 
while I was princeps. 

To each man of the Roman plebs I paid three hun- 
dred sesterces in accordance with the last will of my 
father; and in my own name^ when consul for the fifth 
time, I gave four hundred sesterces from the spoils of 
the wars. ... 

The Capitol and the Pompeian theatre have been re- 
stored by me at enormous expense for each work, with- 
out any inscription of my name. Aqueducts which were 
crumbling in many places by reason of age I have 
restored, and I have doubled the water which bears the 
name Marcian by turning a new spring into its course. 
The Forum Julium and the basilica which was between 
the temple of Castor and the temple of Saturn, works 
begun and almost completed by my father, I have fin- 
ished; and when that same basilica was consumed by 
fire, I began its reconstruction on an enlarged site, in- 
scribing it with the names of my sons; and if I do not 
live to complete it, I have given orders that it be com- 
ipleted by my heirs. In accordance with a decree of the 
senate, while consul for the sixth time, I have restored 
eighty-two temples of the gods, passing over none which 
was at that time in need of repair. In my seventh con- 
'sulship I constructed the Flaminian way from the city 
to Ariminum, and all the bridges except the Mulvian 
and Minueian, 

• *>•'.% ^ '.» . 

Three times in my own name, and five times in that of 
my sons or grandsons, I have given gladiatorial exhibi- 
tions ; in these exhibitions about ten thousand men have 
fought. Twice in my own name, and three times in that 
of my grandson, I have offered the people the spectacle 
of athletes gathered from all quarters. I have celebrated 
games four times in my own name, and twent3f-three 
times in the turns of other magistrates. . . . Twenty-six 
times in my own name, or in that of my sons and grand- 
sons, I have given hunts of African wild beasts in the 
circus, the forum, the ampitheatres, and about thirty-five 
hundred beasts have been killed. 

I gave the people the spectacle of a naval battle be- 
yond the Tiber, where now is the grove of the Csesars. 
For this purpose an excavation was made eighteen hun- 
dred feet long and twelve hundred wide. In this contest 
tliirty beaked ships, triremes or biremes,were engaged, 
besides more of smaller size. About three thousand men 
fought in these vessels in addition to the rowers. 

I have freed the sea from pirates. In that war with 
the slaves I delivered to their masters for punishment 
about thirty thousand slaves who had fled from their 
masters and taken up arms against the state. . . . 

I have extended the boundaries of all the provinces 
of the Roman people which were bordered by nations 
not yet subjected to our sway. I have reduced to a 



state of peace the Gallic and Spanish provinces, and 
Germany, the lands enclosed by the ocean from Gades 
to the mouth of the Elbe. The Alps from the region 
nearest the Adriatic as far as the Tuscan Sea I have 
brought into a state of peace, without waging an unjust 
war upon any people. My fleet has navigated the ocean 
from the mouth of the Rhine as far as the boundaries of 
the Cimbri, where before that time no Roman had ever 
penetrated by land or sea ; and the Cimbri and Charydes 
and Semnones and other German peoples of that section, 
by means of legates, sought my friendship and that of 
the Roman people. By my command and under my 
auspices two armies at almost the same time have been 
led into Ethiopia and into Arabia, which is called "the 
Happy," and very many of the enemy of both peoples 
have fallen in battle, and many towns have been cap- 
tured. Into Ethiopia the advance was as far as Nabata, 
which is next to Meroe. In Arabia the army penetrated 
as far as the confines of the Sabsei, to the town Mariba. 

I have established colonies of soldiers in Africa, Sicily, 
Macedonia, the two Spains, Achaia, Asia, Syria, Gallia 
Narbonensis and Pisidia. Italy also has twenty-eight 
colonies established under my auspices, which within 
my lifetime have become very famous and populous. 

Embassies have been many times sent to me from the 
kings of India, a thing never before seen in the case of 
any ruler of. the Romans. Our friendship has been 
sought by means of ambassadors by the Bastarnae and 
the ScA'thians, and by the kings of the Sarmatse, who 
are on either side of the Tanais, and by the kings of the 
Albani, the Hiberi, and the ]\Iedes. 

In my sixth and seventh consulships, when I had put 
an end to the civil wars, after having obtained complete 
control of affairs by universal consent, I transferred the 
commonwealth from my own dominion to the authority 
of the senate and Roman people. In return for this 
favor on my part I received by decree of the senate the 
title Augustus, the door-jjosts of my house were publicly 
decked with laurels, a civic crown was fixed above my 
door, and in the Julian Curia was placed a golden shield, 
which, by its inscription, bore witness that it was given 
to me by the senate and Roman people on account of 
my valor, clemency, justice and piety. After that time 
I excelled all others in dignity, but of power I held no 
more than those also held who were my colleagues in 
any magistracy. 

While I was consul for the thirteenth time the senate 
and the equestrian order and the entire Roman people 
gave me the title of father of the fatherland, and decreed 
that it should be inscribed upon the vestibule of my 
house and in the Curia, and in the Augustan Forum be- 
neath the quadriga which had been, by decree of the 
senate, set up in my honor. When I wrote these words 
I was in my seventy-sixth year. — Monumentum Ancy- 
ranum, translated by Fairley. 



McKlriley's liiilstcated Totilcs iof AncleHt HIstOry. 

Topic A 23. The Successors of Augustus. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. The growth of absolutism. 

a) Tiberius and his changes. 

1) Campaigns and influence of Germanicus. 

2) The Law of Treason. 

3) Intrigues of Sejanus. 

b) Irresponsible rule of Caligula and his over- 

throw, 37-41 A. D. 

c) Claudius and the beginning of absolute rule, 

41-54 A. D. " 

d) Tj^ranny of Nero and his overthrow, 54-68 

A. D. 

e) The struggle for the succession, 68-69 A. D. 

f) The Flavian Emperors, 69-96 A. D. 

1) Names and characteristics. 

2) Promotion of public works. 

g) Character of period. 

2. The limited monarchy (The Five Good Emperors), 

96-180 A. "D. 

a) Nerva and the introduction of new principles of 

government, 96-98 A. D. 

b) Trojan and the expansion of the empire, 98-117 

A. D. 

1) Conquests. 

2) Public works. 

3) Revival of literature. 

c) Hadrian's change of policy, 117-'138 A. D. 

1) Attitude toward exijansion. 

2) Administrative and military reforms. 

d) The Antonines and the growth of humane legis- 

lation, 138-180 A. D. 

e) Social and economic condition of the people un- 

der the earlj' emperors. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 311-327; Botsford, An- 
cient World, Sees. 505-516, 521-530; Goodspeed, Sees. 501-53-1, 
536-545; Morey, Ancient, pp. 419-449; Myers, Ancient, ch. 
46; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 171-173, ch. 14; West, Ancient, 
Sees. 458-460, 464-467, 473-484, 487-488, 492-504; Westermann, 
Ancient, Sees. 504-547; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 421-448, 453- 
458; Abbott, Rome, Sees. 351-425, 429-442; Botsford, Rome, 
pp. 318-266; Morev, Rome, ch. 24-26; Mvers, Rome, ch. 16; 
Smith, Rome, pp." 344-357; West, Ancient World, Part II, 
Sees. 574-591, 596-603, 606-622, 627-638. 

Collateral Reading. — Botsford, Story of Rome, pp. 241-315; 
Capes, Early Roman Empire, ch. 2-19; Capes, Roman Empire 
of Second Century; Davis, pp. 65-129; Fowler, ch. 9-10; Gib- 
bon, Vol. I, ch. 1-3; Pelham, pp. 471-567; Plutarch, Lives of 
Galba and Otho; Seignobos, pp. 293-312, 314-321; Seignobos, 
Roman People, ch. 20-23. 

Additional Reading. — Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, 
ch. 13-14, Sees. 373-377; Duruy, Vol. IV, pp. 401-618, Vol. V, 
pp. 1-570, Vol. VI, pp. 1-441 ; Ferrero, Women of the Caesars, 
ch. 4-6; Jones, Roman Empire, ch. 2-6; Jlerivale, Vol. V, ch. 
43-50, Vol. VI, ch. 51-59, Vol. VII, ch. 60-68. 

Source Books. — Botsford, pp. 475-520; Davis, Rome, Nos. 
63-70, 75; I>aing, pp. 410-431; Munro, Nos. 37-39, 101-122, 135, 
185-203; Webster, Nos. 98-102. 

SUGGESTIONS. 
Note step by step how the entire control of the government 
passes gradually into the hands of the emperor in the first 
century; how the second century was marked by a reaction 
toward a limited monarchy under the Five Good Emperors; 
the services rendered by individual emperors in extending the 
frontiers or protecting those already established; and the 
dangers which threatened the empire at the close of the period. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

THE ADMINISTRATION OF A PROVINCE 
UNDER THE EMPIRE. 

The following extracts convey some idea of what it meant 
to the peoples of the provinces to be ruled by Rome. These 



letters which were exchanged between the younger Pliny, Gover- 
nor of Bithynia, and the Emperor Trajan throw much light 
upon the problems to be solved and the changes which were 
wrought under Rome's direction. A vast amount of detail 
must have passed under the eye of the emperor. 

To the Emperor Trajan. 

The Prusenses, Sir, having an ancient bath which lies 
in a ruinous state, desire your leave to repair it ; but, 
upon examination, I am of opinion it ought to be re- 
built. I think, therefore, you may indulge them in 
this request, as there will be a sufficient fund for that 
purpose, partly from those debts which are due from 
private persons to the public which I am now collecting 
in ; and partlj' from what they raise among themselves 
towards furnishing the bath with oil, which they are 
willing to apply to the carrying on of this building; a 
work which the dignity of the city and the splendour of 
your times seem to demand. 
Trajan to Pliny. 

If the erecting a public bath will not be too great a 
charge upon the Prusenses, we may comply with their 
request ; provided, however, that no new tax be levied 
for this purpose, nor any of those taken off which are 
appropriated to necessary services. 

To the Emperor Trajan. 
While I was making a progress in a different part of 
the province, a most extensive fire broke out at Nico- 
media, which not only consumed several private houses, 
but also two public buildings; the town-house and the 
temple of Isis, though they stood on contrary sides of 
the street. The occasion of its spreading thus far was 
owing partly to the violence of the wind, and partly 
to the indolence of the people, who, manifestly, stood 
idle and motionless spectators of this terrible calamity. 
The truth is the city was not furnished with either en- 
gines, buckets, or an_v single instrument suitable for 
extinguishing fires; which I have now, however, given 
directions to have prepared. You will consider. Sir, 
whether it may not be advisable to institute a company 
of fire-men, consisting only of one hundred and fifty 
members. I will take care that none but those of that 
business shall be admitted into it, and that the privileges 
granted them shall not be applied to any other pur- 
pose. As this corporate body will be restricted to so 
small a number of members, it will be easy to keep them 
under proper regulation. 
Trajan to Pliny. 
You are of opinion it would be proper to establish 
a company of fire-men in Nicomedia, agreeably to what 
has been practised in several other cities. But it is to 
be remembered that societies of this sort have greatly 
disturbed the peace of the province in general, and of 
those cities in jDarticular. Whatever name we give them, 
and for whatever purposes they may be founded, they 
will not fail to form themselves into factious assemblies, 
however short their meetings may be. It will therefore 
be safer to provide such machines as are of service in 
extinguishing fires, enjoining the owners of houses to 
assist in preventing the mischief from spreading, and 
if it should be necessary, to call in the aid of the popu- 
lace. 

To the Emperor Trajan. 
The citizens of Xicomedia, Sir, have expended three 
millions three hundred and twentv-nine sesterces* in 



'About $120,000. 



(Continued on Page 4.) 



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McKlnley's Illustrated Topics (or Ancient history. No. A 23. 

THE ROMAN TEMPLE. 




1. The Pantheon, restored, from a model in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 2. The Pantheon as it is today. 

SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS. 
Compare this structure witli a Greek temple? How does it differ? What are its characteristic features? How is it orna- 
mented? What sort of columns are used? Which was the more artistic, the Greek or the Roman temple? Why? 

CopTriiht. I91S. McKintey Publishlne Co . Plilladrfnlila. Pa 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History 

SOURCE-STUDY- Continued. 

building an aqueduct; but, not being able to finish it, 
the works are entirely falling to ruin. They made a 
second attempt in another place, where they laid out 
two millions.* But this likewise is discontinued; so 
that, after having been at an immense charge to no 
purpose, they must still be at a further expense, in 
order to be accommodated with water. I have examined 
a fine spring from whence the water may be conveyed 
over arches (as was attempted in their first design) in 
such a manner that the higher as well as level and low 
parts of the city may be supplied. There are still re- 
maining a very few of the old arches; and the square 
stones, however, employed in the former building, may 
be used in turning the new arches. I am of opinion 
part should be raised with brick, as that will be the 
easier and cheaper material. But that this work may 
not meet with the same ill-success as the former, it will 
be necessary to send here an architect, or some one 
skilled in the construction of this kind of waterworks. 
And I will venture to say, from the beauty and use- 
fulness of the design, it will be an erection well worthy 
the splendour of your times. 
Trajan to Pliny. 
Care must be taken to supply the city of Nicomedia 
with water; and that business, I am well persuaded, 
you will perform with all the diligence you ought. But 
really it is no less incumbent upon you to examine by 
whose misconduct it has happened that such large sums 
have been thrown away upon this, lest they apply the 
money to private purposes, and the aqueduct in ques- 
tion, like the preceding, should be begun, and after- 
Wards left unfinished. You will let me know the result 
of J'our inquiry. 



cerning the theatre which the inhabitants of Nicea are 
building; as for myself, it will be sufficient if you let 
me know your determination. With respect to the par- 
ticular parts of this theatre which are to be raised at 
a private charge, you will see those engagements ful- 
filled when the body of the building to which they are 
to be annexed shall be finished. — These paltry Greeks 
are, I know, immoderately fond of gymnastic diversions, 
and therefore, perhaps, the citizens of Nicea have 
planned a more magnificent building for this purpose 
than is necessary; however, they must be content with 
such as will be sufficient to answer the purpose for 
which it is intended. . . . 



To the^Emperor Trajan. 
The titizehs of Nicea, Sir, are building a theatre, 
which, though it is not yet finished, has already ex- 
hausted, as I am informed (for I have not examined 
the account myself), about ten millions of sesterces;** 
and what is worse, I fear to no purpose. For either 
from the foundation being laid in soft, marshy ground, 
or that the stone itself is light and crumbling, the walls 
are sinking and cracked from top to bottom. It de- 
serves your Consideration, therefore, whether it would 
be best to carry on this work, or entirely discontinue it, 
or rather, perhaps, whether- it would be most prudent 
absolutely to destroy it: for the buttresses and founda- 
tions by means of which it is from time to time kept up 
appeai* to me more expensive than solid. Several private 
ptersons have undertaken to build the compartments of 
this theatre at their own expense, some engaging to 
erect the portico, others the galleries over the pit: but 
this design cannot be executed, as the principal build- 
ing which ought first to be completed is now at a stand. 
This city is also rebuilding, upon a far more enlarged 
plan, the gymnasium, which was burnt down before my 
arrival in the province. They have already been at 
some (and, I rather fear, a fruitless) expense. The 
structure is not only irregular and ill-proportioned, but 
the present architect (who, it must be owned, is a rival 
to the person who was first employed) asserts that the 
walls, although twenty-two feet in thickness, are not 
strong enough to support the superstructure, as the in- 
terstices are filled up with quarrystones, and the walls 
are not overlaid with brickwork. . . . 

Trajan to Pliny. 
' You, who are upon the spot, will best be able to con- 
sider and determine what is proper to be done con- 

*About SP80,000. . 

**$400,000. . ,.,.., , ;, 



To the Emperor Trajan. 
Upon examining into the public expenses of the city 
of Byzantium, which, I find, are extremely great, I 
was informed. Sir, that the appointments of the am- 
bassador whom they send j^early to you with their 
homage, and the decree which passes in the senate upon 
that occasion, amount to twelve thousand sesterces.* 
But knowing the generous maxims of your government, 
I thought proper to send the decree without the am- 
bassador, that, at the same time they discharged their 
public duty to you, their expense incurred in the man- 
ner of paying it might be lightened. The city is like- 
wise taxed with the sum of three thousand sesterces** 
towards defraj'ing the expense of an envoy, whom they 
annually send to compliment the governor of Moesia: 
this expense I have also directed to be spared. I beg. 
Sir, you would deign either to confirm my judgment or 
correct my error, in these points by acquainting me with 
your sentiments. 

Trajan to Pliny. 
I entirely apjarove, my dearest Secundus, of your 
having excused the Byzantines that expense of twelve 
thousand sesterces in sending an ambassador to me. I 
shall esteem their duty as sufficiently paid, though I 
only receive the act of their senate through your hands. 
The governor of Moesia must likewise excuse them jif 
they compliment him at a less expense. 

To the Emperor Trajan. 
Julius Largus, of Pontus (a person whom I never 
saw, nor indeed ever heard his name till lately), in 
confidence. Sir, of your distinguishing judgment in niy 
favour, has entrusted me with the execution of the last 
instance of his lo_yalty tov.itrds j'ou. He has left me, by 
his will, his estate upon trust, in the first place to re- 
ceive out of it fifty thousand sesterces*** for my own 
use, and to apply the remainder for the benefit of the 
cities of Heraclea and Tios, either by erecting some 
public edifice dedicated to your honour or instituting 
athletic games, according as I shall judge proper. 
These games are to be celebrated every five years, and 
to be called Trajan's games. My principal reason for 
acquainting you with this bequest is that I may receive 
your directions which of the respective alternatives to 
choose. 

Trajan to Pliny. 
By the prudent choice Julius Largus has made of a 
trustee, one would imagine he had known you per- 
fectly well. You will consider then what will most 
tend to perpetuate his memory, under the circumstances 
of these respective cities, and make your option accord- 
ingly. — Letters, trans. Bosanquet, X., 34-35, 42-43, 
46-49, 52-53, 79-86. 

* About $500. 

**About $120. ,. , ■ ■ . ■''' 

.. *•* About $5,000. 



Mckinley's lllustfated Topics lot Ancient HIstOfy. 



Topic A 24. The Later Empire, 184-337 A. D. 



2. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

The domination of the army and the decline of the 
empire. 

a) Power and influence of the praetorian guard. 

b) The times of the Severi, 195-235 A. D. 

1) Septimius Severus and the struggle for the 
throne. 

2) The Edict of Caracalla, 212 A. D. 

3) Alexander Severus and his campaigns, 
222-235 A. D. 

c) The Thirty Tyrants and the disintegration of 
the empire. 

d) Partial restoration under the Illyrian Emperors. 
Diocletian and Constantine and the restoration of 

order, 284-337 A. D. 

a) Diocletian and the reorganization of the empire. 

1) Plan of administration and character of 

the new empire. 

2) Rise of Christianity and emperor's atti- 

tude towards the Christians. 

b) Constantine the Great and the triumph of Chris- 

tianity, 324-337 A. D. 

1) Emperor's acceptance of Christianity and 

its effects upon the empire. 

2) Administrative reforms. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, ch. 15-13; Botsford, Ancient 
World, Sees. 531-545; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 535, 546-565; 
Morey, Ancient, pp. 450-464; Myers, Ancient, cli. 47-48; Web- 
ster, Ancient, ch. 15-16; West, Ancient, Sees. 461, 505-554; 
Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 548-5T4, ch. 38; Wolfson, An- 
cient, Sees. 459-472; Abbott, Rome, Sees. 425-428, ch. 13; 
Botsford, Rome, ch. 13; Morev, Rome, ch. 27-38; Myers, 
Rome, ch. 17-19; Smith, Rome,' pp. 357-361; West, Ancient 
World, Part II, cli. 39-40, Sees. 661-676, 681-704. 

Collateral Reading. — Abbott, Society, "Municipal Politics 
in Pompeii"; Abbott, Common People, "Diocletian's Edict"; 
Davis, pp. 130-195; Gibbon, Vol. I, ch. 4-7, 10-16, Vol. II, 
ch. 17, 20, pp. 71-74; Pelham, pp. 508-583; Seignobos, ch. 26-27; 
Seignobos, Roman People, ch. 34-26. 

Additional Reading. — Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, 
Sees. 378-399, ch. 21; Burv, Later Roman Empire, Vol. I, 
Book I; Duruy, Vol. VI, pp. 442-589, Vol. VII, pp. 1-578; 
Jones, Roman "Empire, ch. 7-10; Sandys, Latin Studies, pp. 
297-299. 

Source Books.— Botsford, ch. 41; Davis, Rome, Nos. 71-73, 
109-115, pp. 219-323; Laing, pp. 430-431, 468-471; Munro, Nos. 
123-134, 204-205; Webster, Nos. 100, 114-115. 

SUGGESTIONS. 
Note the weaknesses which were characteristic of the empire 
at this time; the remedies proposed by Diocletian and Constan- 
tine to improve or remove these conditions; the contrasts pre- 
sented by their plans; and the success which the}' attained in 
bolstering up a declining empire. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

CHRISTIANITY IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 

The first extract, from Tacitus (born about 54 A. D.), is 
one of the earliest allusions to the Christians in Latin litera- 
ture and explains tlieir persecution by Nero. Pliny was sent 
as imperial legate to Bitbynia in 111 or 112 A. D. and as 
governor of tliat province had occasion to write the emperor 
Trajan as to how he should deal with the early Christians. 
Minucius Felix, one of the earliest Christian writers whose 
works have come down to us, reflects the ideas current in 
his day among the Romans as to the character and doings of 
the Christians. This author lived either in the reign of Marcus 
Aurelius or that of the emperor Hadrian. By Tertullian's time 
(c. 150-230 A. D.), the new sect had secured a firm foothold 
as his account indicates. His explanations of their meetings 
and beliefs should be contrasted with the description given 
by Minucius Felix, 



THE PERSECUTION OF THE CHRISTIANS BY 
NERO. 

. . . But all human efforts, all the lavish gifts of the 
emperor, and the propitiations of the gods, did not 
banish the sinister belief that the conflagration was the 
result of an order. Consequently, to get rid of the 
report, Nero fastened the guilt and inflicted the most 
exquisite tortures on a class hated for their abominations, 
called Christians by the populace. Christus, from whom 
the name had its origin, suffered the extreme penalty 
during the reign of Tiberius at the hands of one of 
our procurators, Pontius Pilatus, and a most mischievous 
superstition, thus checked for the moment, again broke 
out not onljf in Judaea, the first source of the evil, but 
even in Rome, where all things hideous and shameful 
from every part of the world find their center and be- 
come popular. Accordingly, an arrest was made of all 
who pleaded guilty; then, upon their information, an 
immense multitude was convicted, not so much of the 
crime of firing the city, as of hatred against mankind. 
Mockery of every sort was added to their deaths. 
Covered with the skins of beasts, they were torn by 
dogs and perished, or were nailed to crosses, or were 
doomed to the flames and burnt, to serve as a nightly 
illumination, when daylight had expired. 

Nero offered his gardens for the spectacle, and was 
exhibiting a show in the circus, while he mingled with 
the people in the dress of a charioteer or stood aloft in 
a car. Hence, even for criminals who deserved extreme 
and exemplary punishment, there arose a feeling of 
compassion; for it was not, as it seemed, for the pub- 
lic good, but to glut one man's cruelty, that they were 
being destroyed. — Tacitus, trans. Church and Brodribb, 
XV, Ch. 44. 

PLINY TO THE EMPEROR. 

It is my invariable rule to refer to you in all matters 
about which I feel doubtful. Who can better remove 
my doubts or inform my ignorance? I have never been 
present at any trials of Cjiristians, so that I do not 
know what is the nature of the charge against them, 
or what is the usual punishment. Whether any differ- 
ence or distinction is made between the young and per- 
sons of mature years — whether repentance of their fault 
entitles them to" pardon — whether the very profession of 
Christianity, unaccompanied by any criminal act, or 
whether only the crime itself involved in the profession, 
is a subject" of punishment; on all these points I am in 
great doubt. Meanwhile, as to those persons who have 
been charged before me with being Christians, I have 
observed the following method. I asked them whether 
they were Christians; if they admitted it, I repeated 
the question twice, and threatened them with punish- 
ment; if they persisted, I ordered them to be at once 
punished. l" could not doubt that whatever might be 
the nature of their opinions, such inflexible obstinacy 
deserved punishment. Some were brought before me, 
possessed with the same infatuation, who were Roman 
citizens; these I took care should be sent to Rome. As 
often happens, the accusation spread, from being fol- 
lowed, and various phases of it came under my notice. 
An anonymous information was laid before me, con- 
taining a great number of names. Some said they 
neither were and never had been Christians; they re- 



(Continued on Page 4.) 



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SOURCE-STUDY- Continued. 

peatcd after me an invocation of the gods, and offered 
wine and incense before your statue (which I had ordered 
to be brought for that purpose^ togetlier with those of 
the gods), and even reviled the name of Christ; whereas 
there is no forcing, it is said, those who are really 
Christians into any of these acts. These I thought 
ought to be discharged. Some among them, who were 
accused by a witness in person, at first confessed them- 
selves Christians, but immediately after denied it; the 
rest owned that they had once been Christians, but had 
now (some above three years, others more, and a few 
above twenty years ago) renounced the profession. 
They all worshipped your statue and those of the gods, 
and uttered imprecations against the name of Christ. 
They declared that their offence or crime was summed 
up in this, that they met on a stated day before day- 
break, and addressed a form of prayer to Christ, as to 
a divinitjf, binding themselves by a solemn oath, not 
for any wicked purpose, but never to commit fraud, 
theft, or adultery, never to break their word, or to deny 
a trust when called on to deliver it up: after which it 
was their custom to separate, and then reassemble, and 
to eat together a harmless meal. From this custom, 
however, they desisted after the proclamation of my 
edict, by which, according to your command, I forbade 
the meeting of any assemblies. In consequence of their 
declaration, I judged it necessary to try to get at the 
real truth by putting to the torture two female slaves, 
who were said to officiate in their religious rites ; but all I 
could discover was evidence of an absurd and extrava- 
gant superstition. And so I adjourned all further pro- 
ceedings in order to consult you. It seems to me a 
matter deserving your consideration, more especiallj' as 
great numbers must be involved in the danger of these 
prosecutions, which have already extended, and are still 
likely to extend, to persons of all ranks, ages, and of 
both sexes. The contagion of the superstition is not 
confined to the cities, it has spread into the villages 
and the country. Still I think it may be checked. At 
any rate, the temples which were almost abandoned 
again begin to be frequented, and the sacred rites, so 
long neglected, are revived, and there is also a general 
demand for victims for sacrifice, which till lately found 
very few purchasers. From all this it is easy to con- 
jecture what numbers might be reclaimed, if a general 
pardon were granted to those who repent of their error. 

TRAJAN TO PLINY. 

You have adopted the right course in investigating 
the charges made against the Christians who were 
brought before you. It is not possible to lay down 
any general rule for all such cases. Do not go out of 
your way to look for them. If they are brought before 
you, and the offence is proved, you must punish them, 
but with this restriction, that when the person denies 
that he is a Christian, and shall make it evident that 
he is not by invoking the gods, he is to be pardoned, 
notwithstanding any former suspicion against him. 
Anonymous informations ought not to be received in any 
sort of prosecution. It is introducing a very dangerous 
precedent, and is quite foreign to the spirit of our age. 
— Pliny, trans. Church and Brodribb, Episf. 97, 98. 

I purposely pass over many things, for those that I 
liave mentioned are already too many; and that all 
these, or the greater part of them, are true, the obscurity 
of their vile religion declares. For why do they en- 



deavor with such pains to conceal and to cloak whatever 
they worship, since honorable things always rejoice in 
publicity, while crimes are kept secret.' Why have 
they no altars, no temples, no acknowledged images? 
Why do they never speak openly, never congregate 
freely, unless for the reason that what they adore and 
conceal is either worthy of punishment, or something 
to be ashamed of? Moreover, whence or who is he, or 
where is the one God, solitary, desolate, whom no free 
people, no kingdoms, and not even Roman superstition, 
have known? The lonely and miserable nationality of 
the Jews worshipped one God, and one peculiar to it- 
self; but they worshipped him openly, with temples, 
with altars, with victims, and with ceremonies ; and he 
has so little force or power, that he is enslaved, with 
his own special nation, to the Roman deities. But the 
Christians, moreover, what wonders, what monstrosities 
do they feign ! — that he who is their God, whom they 
can neither show nor behold, inquires diligently into 
the character of all, the acts of all, and, in fine, into 
their words and secret thoughts ; that he runs about every- 
where, and is everywhere present: they make him out 
to be troublesome, restless, even shamelessly inquisitive, 
since he is present at everything that is done, wanders 
in and out in all places, although, being occupied with 
the whole, he cannot give attention to particulars, nor 
can he be sufficient for the whole while he is busied 
with particulars. What ! because they threaten con- 
flagration to the whole world, and to the universe it- 
self, with all its stars, are they meditating its destruc^ 
tion? — as if either the eternal order constituted by the 
divine laws of nature would be disturbed, or the league 
of all the elements would be broken up, and the heavenly 
structure dissolved, and that fabric in which it is con- 
tained and bound together would be overthrown. — 
Minucius Felix, Octavius, Ch. 9-10 (Ante-Nicene 
Fathers). 

THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY.- 

. . . We are but of yesterday, and we have filled 
every place among you — cities, islands, fortresses, towns, 
market-places, the very camp, tribes, companies, palace, 
senate, forum,^we have left nothing to you but the 
temples of your gods. For what wars should we not 
be fit, not eager, even with unequal forces, we who so 
willingly yield ourselves to the sword, if in our religion 
it were not counted better to be slain than to slay? 
Without arms even, and raising no insurrectionary ban- 
ner, but simply in enmity to you, we could carry on 
the contest with you by an ill-willed severance alone. 
For if such multitudes of men were to break away from 
you, and betake themselves to some remote corner of 
the world, why, the very loss of so many citizens, what- 
ever sort thej' were, would cover the emjjire with shame; 
nay, in the very forsaking, vengeance would be inflicted. 
Why, you would be horror-struck at the solitude in 
which you would find yourselves, at such an all-prevail- 
ing silence, and that stupor as of a dead world. You 
would have to seek subjects to govern. You would 
have more enemies than citizens remaining. For now 
it is the immense number of Christians which make 
your enemies so few, — almost all the inhabitants of your 
various cities being followers of Christ. . . . 

. , . Nor does your cruelty, however exquisite, avail 
you; it is rather a temptation to us. The oftener we 
are mown down by you, the more in number we grow; 
the blood of Christians is seed. — Tertullian, Apology, 
Ch. 37, 39, 50 {The Ante-Nicene Fathers-). 



M<iK(nley's iUuiifaied fopicS /oi" Ailcieflf tiisiofif. 



Topic A 25. The Germanic Peril and the Fall of the Empire. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. The Germanic peril. 

a) Early homes of the Germans. 

b) Personal characteristics. 

c) Government — administration of justice. 

d) Virtues and defects. 

e) Condition of the empire. 

1) Julian, the Apostate, and the final down- 

fall of paganism. 

2) Division into an Eastern -and Western 

Empire. 

f) Invasions before -176 A. D. 

1) Attila and the Huns — Chalons, 451 A. D. 

2) Alaric and the Goths. 

2. Fall of the Western Empire, 176 A. D. 

a) The causes. 

b) The event and its significance. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, oh. 14; Botsford, Ancient 
World, eh. 43-44; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 566-571; Moray, 
Ancient, pp. 464-467, 478-489; Myers, Ancient, Sees. 541-561; 
Webster, Ancient, Sees. 300-^05; West, Ancient, Sees. 555-574; 
Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 575-596; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 
473-487; Abbott, Rome, Sees. 478-511; Botsford, Rome, ch. 13; 
Moray, Rome, pp. 399-310; Myers, Rome, ch. 20-2i3; Smith, 
Rome, pp. 362-368; West, Ancient World, Part II, Sees. 677- 
G80, 705-728. 

Collateral Reading. — Davis, pp. 195-201; Emerton, Introduc- 
tion, ch. 2-5, pp. 48-52; Gibbon, Vol. I, ch. 9, Vol. II, ch. 22-30, 
pp. 74-157, Vol. Ill, ch. 31-36; Kingsley, Roman and Teuton; 
Pelham, pp. 584-598; liobinson. Western Europe, ch. 2, pp. 
25-28, 39-42; Seignobos, Roman People, ch. 27-28; Seignobos, 
Mediaeval and Modern Civilization, ch. 1-2. 

Additional Reading. — Bemont and Monod, Mediaeval Eu- 
rope, ch. 1-3; Burv, Later Roman Empire, Vol. I, Book II, 
ch. 1-11, Book III, eh. 2, 5; Duruy, Vol. VIII, pp. 1-333; 
Jones, Roman Empire, ch. 11. 

Source Books. — Botsford, eh. 43-45; Davis, Rome, Nos. 116- 
126; Laing, pp. 401-409; Webster, Nos. 119-124. 

SUGGESTIONS. 
Note the line-up of German peoples along the Rhine-Danube 
frontiers; the contrast which these peoples presented to the 
Romans as to physical characteristics and ideals; the weak- 
ness of the emjiire as the result of its divisions and the spread 
of Christianity; the pressure on the Germans as the result of 
the invasion of the Huns; the bursting of the frontiers and 
the scattering of the barbarian peoples throughout the West 
until Rome fell into their hands in 476 A. D. ; and the terri- 
tories appropriated bv the various barbarian peoples in 476 
A. D. ■ 

SOURCE-STUDY. 

THE GERMANS. 

Long before the Germans became such a menace to the 
existence of the emi^ire Tacitus wrote a detailed account of 
their manners and customs. His emphasis upon the contrasts 
which they presented to the more civilized Romans makes his 
account especially valuable. We can already detect some of 
those elements which they were to contribute to the progress 
of Western Europe. 



OcCUP.\TIONS. 

. . . The pride of a German consists in the number 
of his flocks and herds : they are his only riches, and in 
these he places his chief delight. ... It is, however, 
observable, that near the borders of the empire, the 
inhabitants set a value upon gold and silver, finding 
them subservient to the purposes of commerce. The 
Roman coin is known in those parts, and some of our 
specie is not only current, but in request. In places' 
more remote, the simplicity of ancient manners still 
prevails: commutation of property is their only traffic. 



Physical Characteristics. 
I have already acceded to the opinion of those, who 
think that the Germans have hitherto subsisted without 
intermarrying with other nations, a pure, unmixed, and 
independent race, unlike any other people, all bearing 
the marks of a distinct national character. Hence, what 
is very remarkable in such prodigious numbers, a family 
likeness throughout the nation; the same form and 
feature, stern blue eyes, ruddy hair, their bodies large 
and robust, but powerful only in sudden efforts. They 
are impatient of toil and labour; thirst and heat over- 
come them ; but from the nature of their soil and cli- 
mate, they are proof against cold and hunger. 

Copyrlshl. 1913. McKinlpy Publishing Co., Philadelphia, P*. 



Methods of Fighting. 
. . . According to the best estimate, the infantry 
form the national strength, and, for that reason, always 
fight intermixed with the cavalry. The flower of their 
youth, able by their vigour and activity to keep pace 
with the movements of the horse, are selected for this 
purpose, and placed in the front of the lines. . . . Their 
order of battle presents the form of a wedge. To give 
ground in the heat of action, provided you return to 
the charge, is military skill, not fear, or cowardice. In 
the most fierce and obstinate engagement, even when the 
fortune of the day is doubtful, they make it a point to 
carry off their slain. To abandon their shield is a 
flagitious crime. The person guilty of it is interdicted 
from religious rites, and excluded from the assembly of 
the state. Many, who survived their honour in the 
day of battle, have closed a life of ignominy by a halter. 

Their Kings and Leaders. 

The kings in Germany owe their election to the no- 
bility of their birth; the generals are chosen for their 
valour. The power of the former is not arbitrary or 
unlimited; the latter command more by warlike example 
than by their authority. To be of a prompt and daring 
spirit in battle, and to attack in the front of the lines, 
is the popular character of the chieftain: when admired 
for his bravery, he is sure to be obeyed. Jurisdiction 
is vested in the priests. It is theirs to sit in judgment 
upon all offences. By them, delinquents are put in 
irons, and chastised with stripes. The power of pun- 
ishing is in no other hands. When exerted by the 
priests, it has neither the air of vindictive justice, nor 
of military execution; it is rather a religious sentence, 
inflicted with the sanction of the god, who, according 
to the German creed, attends their armies on the day 
of battle. . . . 

Their Religion. 

. . . Their deities are not immured in temples, nor 
represented under any kind of resemblance to the human 
form. To do either, were, in their opinion, to derogate 
from the majesty of superior beings. Woods and 
groves are the sacred depositories; and the spot being 
consecrated to those pious uses, they give to that sacred 
recess the name of the divinity that fills the place, 
which is never profaned by the steps of man. The gloom 
fills every mind with awe; revered at a distance, and 
never seen but with the eye of contemplation. 

Their attention to auguries, and the practice of divin- 
ing by lots, is conducted with a degree of superstition 
not exceeded bv any other nation. . . . 



Their Government. 
In matters of inferior moment the 
important questions are reserved 



munitv. 



chiefs decide ; 
for the whole com- 
Yet even in those cases where all have a voice, 
(Continued on Page 4.) 



I z 

^< 

» 09 

s < 

^ z 

5 < 

s 
I o 








McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



. SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. 

the business is discussed and prepared by the chiefs. 
■ The general assembly, if no sudden alarm calls the 
people together, has its fixed and stated periods, either 
at the new or full moon. . . . When they think them- 
selves sufficiently numerous, the business begins. Each 
man takes his seat, completely armed. Silence is pro- 
claimed by the priests, who still retain their coercive 
authority. The king, or chief of the community, opens 
the debate : the rest are heard in their turn," according 
to age, nobility of descent, renown in war, or fame for 
eloquence. No man dictates to the assembly: he may 
persuade, but caijnot command. When anything is ad- 
vanced not agreeable to the people, they rej ect it with 
a general murmur. If the proposition pleases, they 
brandish their javelins. This is their highest and most 
honourable mark of applause; they assent in a military 
manner, and praise by the sound of their arms. 

In this couheij. of state, accusations are exhibited, 
and capital offences prosecuted. Pains and penalties 
are proportioned to the nature of the crime. For treason 
and desertion, the sentence is to be hanged on a tree: 
the coward, and such as are guilty of unnatural prac- 
tices, .are plunged nnder a hurdle into bogs and fens. 
In these different punishments, the point and spirit of 
the law is, that crimes which affect the State may be 
exposed to public notoriety: infamous vice cannot be 
too soon buried in oblivion. He who is convicted of 
transgressions of an inferior nature, pays a mulct of 
horses, or of cattle. Part of that fine goes to the king 
or the community, and part to the person injured or 
to his family. It is in these assemblies that princes 
are chosen and chiefs elected to act as magistrates in 
the several cantons of the state. . . ; 

Military Prowess. 

A German transacts no business, public or private, 
without being completely armed. The right of carrying 
arms is assumed by no person whatever, till the state 
has declared him duly qualified. . . . Such as are grown 
up to manhood, and have signalised themselves by a 
spirit of enterprise, have always a number of retainers 
in their train. Where merit is conspicuous, no man 
blushes to be seen in the list of followers, or com- 
panions. A clanship is formed in this manner, with 
degrees of rank and subordination. The chief judges 
the pretensions of all, and assigns to each man his 
proper station. A spirit of emulation prevails among 
his whole train, all struggling to be the first in favour, 
while the chief places all his glory in the number and 
intrepidity of his companions. In that consists his 
dignity ; to be surrounded by a band of young men is 
the source of his power; in peace, his brightest orna- 
ment; in war, his strongest bulwark. Nor is his fame 
confined to his own country; it extends to foreign na- 
tions, and is then of the first importance, if he sur- 
passes his rivals in the number and courage of his 
followers. He receives presents from all parts ; ambassa- 
dors are sent to him; and his name alone is often suf- 
ficient to decide the issue of war. 

In the field of action, it is disgraceful to the prince 
to be surpassed in valour by his companions ; and not 
to vie with him in martial deeds, is equally a reproach 
to his followers. If he dies in the field, he who sur- 
vives him survives to live in infamy. . . . 

When the state has no war to manage, the German 
mind is sunk in sloth. The chase does not afford suf- 
ficient employment. The time is passed in sleep and 
gluttony. The intrepid warrior, who in the field braved 
every danger, becomes in time of peace a listless slug- 
gard. The management of his house and lands he 



leaves to the women, to the old men, and the infirm part 
of his family. He Mmself lounges in stupid repose, by 
a wonderful diversity of nature exhibiting in the same 
man the most inert aversion to labour, and the fiercest 
principle of action. . . . 

Their Villages. 
The Gerinans, it is well known, have no regular cities ; 
nor do they allow a continuity of houses. They dwell 
in separate habitations, dispersed up and down, as a 
grove, a meadow, or a fountain, happens to invite. They 
have villages, but not in our fashion, with a series of 
connected buildings. Every tenement -stands detached^ 
with a vacant piece of. ground round it, either to prevent 
accidents by fire, or for want of skill in the art of 
building. They neither know the use of mortar nor of 
tiles. They build with rude materials, regardless of 
teauty, order, and projportion. .-. .-r, •< 

Their Dress. 
The clothing in use is a loose mantle, made fast with 
a clasp, or when that cannot be had, with a thorn. 
Naked in other respects, they loiter away whole days 
by the fireside. The rich wear a garment, not, indeed, 
displayed and flowing, like the Parthians, or the people 
of Sarmatia, but drawn so tight, that the form of the 
limbs is palpably expressed. The skins of wild animals 
are also much in use. , , . 

Family Life. 

Marriage is considered as a strict and sacred institu- 
tion. In the national character there is nothing so truly 
commendable. To be contented with one wife, is pe- 
culiar to the Germans. They differ, in this respect, 
from all other savage nations. ... 

In every family the children are reared up in filtli. 
They run about naked, and in time grow up to that 
strength and size of limb which we behold with wonder. 
The infant is nourished at the mother's breast, not turned 
over to nurses and to servants. No distinction is made 
between the future chieftain and the infant son of a 
common slave. > ,, . 

Their Vices. 

Their beverage is a liquor drawn from barley or 
from wheat, and, like the juice of the grape, fermented 
to a spirit. The settlers on the banks of the Rhine pro- 
vide themselves with wine. Their food is of the sim- 
plest kind; wild apples, the flesh of an animal recently 
killed, or coagulated milk. Without skill in cookery, 
or without seasoning to stimulate the palate, they eat 
to satisfy nature. But they do not drink merely to 
quench their thirst. Indulge their love of liquor to 
the excess which they require, and you need not employ 
the terror of your arms; their own vices will subdue 
them. 

. . .In the character of a German there is nothing 
so remarkable as his passion for play. Without the 
excuse of liquor (strange as it may seem!), in their 
cool and sober moments they have recourse to dice, as 
to a serious and regular business, with the most des- 
perate spirit committing their whole substance to chance, 
and when they have lost their all, putting their liberty 
and even their persons upon the last hazard of the 
die. The loser yields himself to slavery. Young, robust, 
and valiant, he submits to be chained, and even exposed 
to sale. Such is the effect of a ruinous and inveterate 
habit. They are victims to folly, and they call them- 
selves men of honour. The winner is always in a hurry 
to barter away the slaves acquired by success at play; 
he is ashamed of his victory, and therefore puts away 
the remembrance of it as soon as possible. — Tacitus, 
trans. Murphy, Germania, Ch. 4-24. 



McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancieilt History. 



Topic A 26. The Rise of the New Empire. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. Theodoric and the attempts of the Ostrogoths to 

restore the power of Rome in the West, 489-526. 
A. D. 

a) Character and extent of Theodoric's rule. 

b) Weakness of the Ostrogothic kingdom. 

2. Justinian and the Eastern Empire's struggle for the 

West, 527-565 A. D. 

a) The man. 

b) The task. 

c) The achievements of the reign. 

1) Conquests. 

2) Codification of the law. 

3. The Mohammedan peril, 622-732 A. D. 

a) Life and Teachings of Mohammed. 

b) Spread of Islam. 

c) Character of Saracen civilization. 

4. Rise and influence of the papac)'. 

a) Growth of the organization of the Church. 

b) Increase of power of bishop of Rome. 

c) Recognition of a pope. 

d) Power of Church. 

5. Charlemagne and the restoration of the Empire of the 

West. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, ch. 15; Botsford, Ancient 
World, ch. 45-46; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 572-593; Morey, 
Ancient, pp. 489-523; Myers, Ancient, ch. 51-56; Webster, An- 
cient, Sees. 206-210; West, Ancient, Sees. 575-649; Westerniann, 
Sees. 597-642; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 4S8-508; Abbott, Rome, 
Sees. 512-580; Botsford, Rome, ch. 14; Morey, Rome, ch. 30-31; 
West, Ancient World, Part II, Sees. 729-802. 

Collateral Reading. — Emerton, Introduction, pp. 52-59, ch. 7, 
9-14; Gibbon, Vol. Ill, ch. 38-44, Vol. IV, ch. 45, 49-51; Hodg- 
kin, Charles the Great; Lane-Poole, Speeches and Table-Talk of 
Mohammed; Robinson, Western Europe, pp. 28-38, ch. 4-7; 
Seignobos, Mediu?val and Modern Civilization, ch. 3-5; Seigno- 
bos, Roman People, ch. 29-32. 

Additional Reading. — Bemont and Monod, Mediaeval Europe, 
ch. 4-13; Burv, Later Empire, Vol. I, Book IV, Vol. II, Book 
IV, Part I, Part II, ch. 5-6, Book V, ch. 6, Book VI, ch. 11-U; 
Hodgkin, Theodoric; Margohouth, Mohammed. 

Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 46; Davis, Rome, Nos. 127-149. 

SUGGESTIONS. 
(1) Note the efforts to revive the Western Empire with 
Rome as a center, first by Theodoric, noting the extent of his 
kingdom and his failure; (2) the attempt of Justinian to unite 
East and West with the success attained; (3) the danger of 
the utter extinction of Western civilization by the Saracens; 
(4) the contemporary growth of the power and organization 
of the Church making it one of the two great forces in Western 
Europe; (5) the steps in the rise of the Franks; and the alli- 
ance between the Franks and the Church, ending in the restora- 
tion of the Western Empire and the rise of the new Rome. 



We have not taught him [^luhanimadj poetrj- nor would 
it beseem him. This Book is no otlier than ,i warn- 
ing and a clear Koran, 

To warn whoever livcth. 

— From Sura 36, as translated bv Rodwell. 



. . . By the Luminous Book ! 

We have made it an Arabic Koran that ye may under- 
stand : 

And it is a transcript of the archetypal Book, kept by us ; 
it is lofty, filled with wisdom. 

■ — From Sura 43, as translated by Rodwell. 



, . . This Book is without doubt a Revelation sent down 

from the Lord of the Worlds. 
Will they saj', he hath forged it? Nay, it is the truth 

from thy Lord that thou mayest warn a people to 

whom no warner hath come before thee, that haply 

they may be guided. 

— From Sura 32, as translated by Rodwell. 



The Character of the New Religion. 
Say: He is God alone: 
God the eternal ! 

He begetteth not, and He is not begotten ; 
And there is none like unto Him. 

— Sura 112, "The Unity," as translated 
by Rodwell. 



What thinkest thou of him who trcateth our religion as 

a lie? 
He it is who thrusteth away the orphan. 
And stirreth not others up to feed the poor. 
Woe to those who pray, 
But in their prayer are careless ; 
^^'ho make a show of devotion. 
But refuse help to the needy. 

— Sura 107, "Religion," as transLated by 
Rodwell. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

THE RELIGION OF MOHAMMED. 

The following extracts taken from the Koran not only indi- 
cate the nature of the "Bible" of the Mohammedans, but also 
throw light upon many of the teachings of Mohammed. The 
Koran was a message from God; it laid great stress upon the 
doctrine of the unity of God ; and sought to make clear the rela- 
tion between Jlohammedanism and Judaism and Christianity. 
The demands which the new faith made upon its followers were 
comparatively few. It insisted upon the necessity of spreading 
the faith even at the point of the sword and held out promises 
of a blissful hereafter to those who were zealous and faithful. 

The Nature op the Koran. 
We ourselves have sent down to thee the Koran as a 
missive from on high. 

— From Sura 76 of the Koran, as trans- 
lated by Rodwell. 

Copyright. 1013. McKinley Publi 



What! thinketh [man] that no one regardeth him? 

What ! haie we not made him eyes. 

And tongue, and lips, 

And guided him to the two highways? 

Yet he attempted not the steep. 

And who shall teach thee what the steep is? 

It is to ransom the captive. 

Or to feed in the day of famine 

The orphan who is near of kin, or the poor 
that lieth in the dust; 

Beside this, to be of those who believe, and enjoin stead- 
fastness on each other, and enjoin compassion on 
each other. 

These shall be the people of the right hand : 

While they who disbelieve our signs 

Shall be the people of the left. 

Around them the fire shall close. 

— From Sura 90, "The Soil," as translated 
bv Rodwell. 



There is no piety in turning your faces toward the east 
or the west, but he is pious who believeth in God. and 
the last day, and the angels, and the Scriptures, 
and the prophets ; who for the love of God dis- 
burseth his wealth to his kindred, and to the or- 
phans, and the needy, and the wayfarer, and those 
who ask, and for ransoming; who observeth prayer, 
(Continued on Page 4.) 

ishingCo., Philadelphia, Pa. L' J 



McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Anclant History. No. A 26. 



Copyrtiht 1913. HcKiol^y Fhibli&biiut Co . PhiladHpbin. P& 



THE ROMAN BASILICA. 




The so-called Basilica of Conatantine. 1. Drawing showing a plan of the building and its general structure. ,;■ 2., The present ruins. - 

SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS. 
What was the purpose of this building ? What features are essentially Roman ? What other Roman structures were buUt in a similar fashiont Do any 
<rf iu features remind one of modem buildings ? What features were copied in the middle ages, and in what type of buildings were they used r 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics tor Ancient History. 



SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. 

and payeth the legal alms, and who is of those who 
are faithful to their engagements when they have 
engaged in them, and patient under ills and hard- 
ships, and in time of trouble: these are they who 
are just, and these are they who fear the Lord. 

— From Sura £, "The Cow," as translated 
by Eodwell. 



Say: O people of the Book! ye have no ground to stand 
on, until ye observe the Law and the Evangel, and 
that which hath been sent down to you from j^our 
Lord. The Book which hath been sent down to 
thee from thy Lord will certainly increase the re- 
bellion and unbelief of many of them; but, be not 
thou troubled for the unbelievers. 

Vcrilv, they who believe, and the Jews, and the Sabeites, 
and the Christians — whoever of them believeth in 
God and in the last day, and doeth what is right, 
on them shall come no fear, neither shall they be 
put to grief. 

Of old we accepted the covenant of the children of Israel, 
and sent Apostles to them. Oft as an Apostle came 
to them with that for which they had no desire, 
some the}' treated as liars, and some they slew. 

Infidels now are they who say, "God is the Messiah, 
Son of Mary"; for the Messiah said, "O children of 
Israel! worship God, my Lord and your Lord." 
Whoever shall join other gods with God, God shall 
forbid him the Garden, and his abode shall be the 
Fire; and the wicked shall have no helpers. 

They surely are Infidels who say, "God is the third of 
three": for there is no God but one God: and if 
they refrain not from what they say, a grievous 
chastisement shall light on such of them as are 
Infidels. 

Will they not, therefore, be turned unto God, and ask 
pardon of Him? since God is Forgiving, Merciful! 

The Messiah, Son of Mary, is but an Apostle; other 
Apostles have flourished before him ; and his mother 
was a just person; they both ate food. 

—From Sura" 5, "The Table" (thought 
the latest of all), as translated by 
RodwelL 



The Good Muslim. 

They say, moreover, "Become Jews or Christians that 
ye may have the true guidance." Say: Nay! the 
religion of Abraham, the sound in faith, and not 
^■"one of those who join gods with Gods ! 

Say ye: "We believe in God* and that which hath been, 
sent down to us, and that which hath been sent down 
to Abraham and Ismael and Isaac and Jacob and 
the tribes : and that which hath been given to Moses 
and to Jesus, and that which was given to the 
prophets from their Lord. No difference do we 
make between any of them: and to God are we 
resigned [Muslims]." 
• ■ •' ( • ■ • • * 

War is prescribed to you: but from this ye are averse. 

Tliey will ask thoc concerning war in the Sacred Month. 
Say: To war therein is bad, but to turn aside from 
the cause of God, and to have ho faith in Him, and 
in tlie Sacred Temple, and to drive out its people, is 
worse in the sight of God; and civil strife is worse 
than bloodshed. They will not cease to war against 
you until they turn you from your religion, if they 
'be able; but whoever of -you shall turn from his 



religion and die an infidel, their works shall be 
fruitless in this world, and in the next: they shall 
be consigned to the fire ; therein to abide for aye. 
— From Sura 2, as translated by RodwelL 



Spreading the Faith. 

O ye who believe ! when ye meet the marshalled hosts of 
the infidels, turn not j'our backs to them: 

Whoso shall turn his back to them on that day, unless 
he turn aside to fight, or to rally to some other troop, 
shall incur wrath from God: Hell shall be his 
abode and wretched the journey thither! 

Fight then against them till strife be at an end, and the 
religion be all of it God's. . . . 

And know ye, that when ye have taken any booty, a fifth 
part belongeth to God and to tlie Apostle, and to the 
near of kin, and to orphans, and to the poor, and 
to the wayfarer. .. . . 

O prophet ! stir up the faithful to the fight. Twenty of 
you who stand firm shall vanquish two hundred: 
and if there be a hundred of you they shall vanquish 
a thousand. 

— From Sura S, as translated by RodwelL 



Death and the Hereafter. 
No one can die except by God's permission, according to 
the Book that fixeth the term of life. 

And if ye shall be slain or die on the path of God, then 
pardon from God and mercj'^ is better than all your 
amassings . 

— From Sura 3, as translated by RodwelL 



Then the people of the right hand — what people of good 



These are the nearest [to God], 
In gardens of delight; 

Upon inwrought couches. 

Reclining thereon face to face. 

Youths ever young shall go unto them round about ; 

With goblets and ewers and a cup of flowing wine, — ; 

Their heads shall not ache with it, neither shall they be' 

confused ; 
And fruits of their choice. 

And flesh of birds to their desire ; ; 

And damsfils with bright eyes like hidden pearls, — 
A reward for what the}' have wrought. 
They shall hear no folly therein, nor any sin, ; 

But only the greeting, "Peace! peace!" 
And the people of the right hand^what people of good 

omen I ! 

Amid the thornless lote-trees, ' 

And bananas laden with friiit^ _;; 

And shade outspread, ,;s 

And water flowing, = 

And fruit abundant, ' 

Never failing, nor forbidden.- 

But the people of the left hand — what people of ill 

omen ! — 
Amid burning wind and scalding water, 
And a shade of black sn5oke,__ 
Not cool or grateful! 

— From Sura 56, "The Fact," as trans- 
,. lated by Lane-Poole,.. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 

Topic A. 27. Roman Life. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. Classes of society. 

a) Under the republic. 

b) Under the empire. 

c) Growth of slavery. 

2. Childhood and early training. 

3. Education. 

a) Subjects taught. 

b) Methods of instruction. 

c) Influence of Greece. 

4. Occupations. 

a) Agriculture. 

b) The trades — the guild system. 

c) Banking and commerce. 

d) Law and the professions. 

e) Influence of slave labor. 

5. The public service. 

a) Life of an oflicial. 

b) The military service. 

6. Marriage and the home. 

a) Marriage customs. 

b) The house and its furnishings. 

1 ) In town. 

2) In the country. 

c) Home life — the divorce problem. 

7. Religion and its influence. 

a) Relation between the Roman and his gods. 

b) Introduction of foreign deities. 

c) Influence of Greek philosophj'. 

d) Growth of scepticism and the decline of morals. 

8. Holidays and public amusements. 

a) Number and character of the holidays. 

b) The theatre. 

c) The circus. 

d) The amphitheatre. 

e) The baths. 

9. Travel and correspondence. 

a) Highways of travel. 

b) The principal resorts. 

c) Letter writing. 

d) Influence on Roman life. 

10. Death and burial. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, ch. 16; Botsford, Ancient 
World, Sees. 494, 514-5:30; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 515-520; 
Morey, Ancient, pp. 405, 429-436; Myers, Ancient, Sees. 578- 
585; "Webster, Ancient, Sees. 151, 181-183, 211-212, 214-217, 
219, 221-223; West, Ancient, Sees. 349-351, 396-398, 405-406, 
493-502; Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 470-473, 515-522; Wolfson, 
Ancient, Sees. 342-350, 442-448; Abbott, Rome, Sees. 218-237, 
323; Morey, Rome, pp. 148-152, 249, 252-256, 260-261; Myers, 
Rome, ch. 25 ; Smith, Rome, pp. 153-157 ; West, Ancient World, 
Part II, Sees. 407-416, 484-487, 504, 608-615, 618-620, 629-655, 
687-699. 

Collateral Reading. — Abbott, Common People, Diocletian's 
Edict, Private Benefactions, Corporations and Trade-Guilds, 
A Roman Politician, Gains Matins; Abbott, Society, Roman 
Women in the Trades and Professions, Career of a Roman 
Stvdent; Botsford, Storv of Rome, pp. 134-136, 139-157, 186- 
187, 281-284; Fowler, Social Life at Rome; Pelham, pp. 185- 
198; Pellison, Roman Life; Preston and Dodge, Private Life; 
Seignobos, pp. 255-261, 265-273, 304-312; Seignobos, Roman 
People, ch. 11, pp. 160-166, 286-288, 350-356; Shumway, Day 
in Ancient Rome; Tucker, Life in the Roman World of Nero 
and St. Paul. 

Additional Reading. — Becker, Gallus; Boissier, Rome and 
Pompeii, ch. 6; Davis, Influence of Wealth in Imperial Rome; 
Dill, Roman Society from Xero to Marcus Aurelius; Fried- 
lander, Roman Life and Manners; Guhl and Koner, Life of 
the Greeks and Romans; Home, Buried Cities of Vesuvius; 
Inge, gociety in Rome under the Caesars; Johnston, Private 



Life of the Romans; Mackenzie, Pompeii; Mau, Pompeii; 
Thomas, Roman Life under the Caesars; Wald.stein, Hcr- 
culaneum. 

Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 34, 45; Davis, di. 7; Munio, 
ch. 11; Webster, ch. 21-22. 

SUGGESTIONS. 

(1) Note the basis of existing class distinctions in the dif- 
ferent periods and the effects upon the mode of life; (2-3) 
the object sought and tlie kind of training given a Roman 
youth; (4) the opportunities afforded in agriculture, the trades, 
the world of business, and the professions; (5) the training 
and the demands upon a man in the public service; (6) the 
comforts and discomforts of a Roman town and country home 
and the position of woman; (7) the influence on morals of the 
religious changes which were peculiar to the different periods; 
(8) the nature and influence of their amusements; (9) the im- 
provements in travel and communication and their effects; 
and (10) the disposal of the dead, with special reference 
throughout to the emphasis placed by the Roman upon the 
practical. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 



LIFE AS THE ROMAN'S VIEWED IT. 

Rome suggests the lawyer and the soldier. Cicero voices in 
the first extract the opinions current in his day as to the rela- 
tive standing of the crafts and learned professions. The naive 
speech of the Roman veteran and the quotation from the 
Tusculan Disputations present some of the features of military 
life, while the letter from tlie pen of Pliny throws considerable 
light upon the legal profession and court pleading under the 
empire. Cicero in his speech on behalf of the consul-elect, 
Lucius Murena, contrasts the life of the lawyer with that of 
the successful commander. Cicero, in trying to make out a 
good case for his client, naturally belittles the legal profession. 
One of the most interesting portions is that which describes 
the development of legal formula. Life in Rome is presented 
in rather vivid colors by Juvenal and Martial. The closing 
.selection from the pen of the latter portrays in characteristic 
fa.shion the way the days were spent at the capital. 

The Life of the Soldier Coxtrasted With That 
OF THE Lawyer. 

Now with regard to what arts and means of acquir- 
ing wealth are to be regarded as worthy and what dis- 
reputable, we have been taught as follows. In the first 
place, those sources of emolument are condemned that 
incur the public hatred ; such as those of tax-gatherers 
and usurers. We are likewise to account as ungenteel 
and mean the gains of all hired workmen, whose source 
of profit is not their art but their labour; for their 
very wages are the consideration of their servitude. We 
are likewise to despise all who retail from merchants 
goods for prompt sale; for they never can succeed un- 
less they lie most abominably. Now nothing is more 
disgraceful than insincerity. All mechanical labourers 
are by their profession mean. For a workshop can 
contain nothing befitting a gentleman. Least of all 
are those trades to be approved that serve the purposes 
of sensuality, such as (to speak after Terence) fish- 
mongers, butchers, cooks, pastry-cooks, and fishermen ; 
to whom we shall add, if you please, perfumers, dancers, 
and the whole tribe of gamesters. 

But those professions that involve a higher degree of 
intelligence or a greater amount of utility, such as 
medicine, architecture, the teaching of the liberal arts, 
are honourable in those to whose rank in life they are 
suited. As to merchandizing, if on a small scale it is 
mean; but if it is extensive and rich, bringing numerous 
commodities from all parts of the world, and giving 
bread to numbers without fraud, it is not so 
despicable. But if a merchant, satiated, or rather 
satisfied with his profits, as he sometimes used to leave 



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McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



the Open sea and make the harbour, shall from the 
harbour step into an estate and lands; such a man 
seems most justly deserving of praise. For of all gain- 
ful professions, nothing is better, nothing more pleas- 
ing, nothing more delightful, nothing better becomes a 
well-bred man than agriculture. — Cicero, Ojjices, I., Ch. 
42 (Bohn). 

As to military service, (I speak of our own, not of 
that of the Spartans, for they used to march slowly to 
the sound of the flute, and scarce a word of command 
was given without an anapaest) you may see in the first 
place whence the very name of an army (Exercitus) is 
derived; and secondly, how great the labour is of an 
army on its march; then consider that they carry more 
than a fortnight's provision, and whatever else they 
may want: that they carry the burthen of the stakes, 
for as to shield, sword, or helmet, they look on them 
as no more encumbrances than their own limbs, for 
they say that arms are the limbs of a soldier, and 
those, indeed, they carry so commodiously, that when 
there is occasion they throw down their burdens, and 
use their arms as readily as their limbs. Why need I 
mention the exercises of the legions? and how great 
the labour is which is undergone in the running, en- 
counters, shouts !^Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, II., 
Ch. 16 (Bohn). 

. . . "Romans, I am Spurius Ligustinus, of the Crus- 
tuminian tribe, and sprung from the Sabines. My 
father left me one acre of land, and a small cottage, 
in which I was born and educated, and I dwell there 
today. As soon as I came to man's estate, my father 
married me to his brother's daughter, who brought noth- 
ing with her but independence and modesty. . . . We 
have six sons and two daughters; the latter are both 
married; of our sons, four are grown up to manhood, 
the other two are as yet boys. I became a soldier in 
the consulate of Publius Sulpicius and Cains Aurelius. 
In the army which was sent over into Macedon I served 
as a common soldier, against Philip, for two years; and 
in the third year, Titus Quintius Flamininus, in reward 
of my good conduct, gave me the command of the 
tenth company of spearmen. When Philip and the 
Macedonians were subdued, and we were brought back 
to Italy and discharged, I immediately went as a vol- 
unteer, with the consul Marcus Porcius into Spain. 
Those who have had experience of him, and of other 
generals in a long course of service, know that no single 
commander living was a more accurate observer and 
judge of merit. This commander judged me deserving 
of being set at the head of the first company of spear- 
men. A third time I entered as a volunteer in the army 
which was sent against the ^tolians and king Antiochus ; 
and Manius Acilius gave me the command of the first 
company of first-rank men. After Antiochus was driven 
out of the country, and the JEtolians were reduced, we 
were brought home to Italj', where I served the two 
succeeding years in legions that were raised annually. 
I afterwards made two campaigns in Spain; one un- 
der Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, the other under Tiberius 
Sempronius Gracchus, praetors. I was brought by Flac- 
cus among others whom he brought home from the 
province to attend his triumph, out of regard to their 
good services. At the request of Tiberius Gracchus, I 
went with him to his province. Four times within a 
few years was I first centurion of my corps ; thirty- 
four times I was honoured by my commanders with 
presents for bravery. I have received six civic crowns. 



I have fulfilled twenty-two years of service in the army, 
and am upwards of fifty years of age." — Livy, XLII., 
Ch. 34, (Bohn). 

Pliny to Arrianus. 

Sometimes I miss Regulus in our courts. . . . My 
reason for missing him is, that he really respected his 
profession, that he bestowed infinite labour on it, made 
himself pale with study and anxiety, wrote out his 
speeches, though he could not get them by heart. He 
had a queer practice of painting round his right eye "if 
he was counsel for the plaintiff, his left if he was for 
the defendant; of wearing a white patch on his fore- 
head; of asking the soothsayers what the issue of the 
action would be, and so forth. Yet all this eccentricity 
was really due to his extreme earnestness in his pro- 
fession. There was another thing which was very 
acceptable to the counsel who were engaged with him. 
He asked for unlimited time in speaking, and he got 
together an audience. What could be pleasanter than 
to be able to speak as long as you liked before a full 
court, when the odium of the whole arrangement rested 
with another.? . . . Since his death it has become an 
established practice for the court to give, and for the 
counsel to ask, a limited time for the pleadings. For 
both those who plead wish to have done with it rather 
than to go on speaking, and the judges who hear the 
case are anxious to decide it rather than to continue 
sitting on the bench. Such neglect, such apathy — in 
a word, such utter indifference as to our professional 
duties — has come over us. Are we wiser than our an- 
cestors, or is our practice more just and reasonable 
than the law itself, which liberally grants ever so many 
hours, and days, and adjournments? Are we to con- 
sider them dull and beyond measure tedious, and to 
fancy that we speak more clearly, understand more 
readily, decide matters with more scrupulous care, be- 
cause we get through cases in fewer hours than they 
took days ? . . , For my own part, whenever I have 
to hear a case (and this I do oftener than I plead), 
I give the greatest amount of time which any counsel 
asks. It is, I think, rash to try to conjecture to what 
length a cause j^et to be tried is likely to run, and to 
set a limit to an affair the extent of which is unknown 
to you. The very first duty which a judge owes to his 
position is to have that patience which constitutes an 
important part of justice. Even superfluous matter had 
better be brought forward than any really necessary 
point be omitted. Besides, it is impossible to say 
whether it is superfluous till you have heard it. — Pliny, 
Letters, trans. Church and Brodribb, VI., 1. 



The remaining space of time is dedicated to the con- 
test. It was emploj^ed by each in a very dissimilar 
fashion. Servius adopted the civil service, full of anxi- 
ety and annoyance, of answering, writing, cautioning; 
he learned the civil law; he worked early and late, he 
toiled, he was visible to everyone, he endured the folly 
of crowds, he tolerated their arrogance, he bore all 
sorts of difficulties, he lived at the will of others, not 
at his own. It is a great credit, a thing pleasing to 
men, for one man to labour hard in that science which 
will profit many. 

What has Murena been doing in the meantime? He 
was lieutenant to Lucius Lucullus, a very brave and 
wise man, and a consummate general; and in this post 
he commanded an army, he fought a battle, he engaged 
the enemy, he routed numerous forces of the enemy, 
(Continued on Page 4.) 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. No. A 27. 

THE AMPHITHEATRE. 




1. The Colosseum as it was. 2. The Colosseum of today. . . 

SUGGESTIVE QUESTION'S. 
How was the building; originally ornamented? Was it artistic? Vvhy was it so famous? What originally ornamented 
the foreground? Who erected the building and why? Is it remarkable as a piece of architecture? 

Copyright. 1913. McKicley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



SOURCE-STUDY— Continued. 

he took several cities, some by storm, some by blockade. 
He traversed that populous and luxurious Asia j'ou 
speak of, in such a manner as to leave in it no trace 
either of his avarice or of his luxury; in a most im- 
portant war he so behaved himself that he performed 
many glorious exploits without the commander-in-chief; 
but the commander-in-chief did nothing without him. 
And all these things ... we are borne witness to in 
the public despatches. . . . 

But . . .. to return to the contest of studies and pur- 
suits; how can it be doubted that the glory of military 
exploits contributes more dignity to aid in the acquisition 
of the consulship, than renown for skill in civil law? 
Do you wake before the night is over to give answers 
to those who consult you? He has done so in order 
to arrive betimes with his army at the place to which 
he is marcliing. The cock-crow wakens you, but the 
sound of the trumpet rouses him: you conduct an action; 
he is marshalling an army: you take care lest your 
clients should be convicted ; he lest his cities or camp 
be taken. He occupies posts, and exercises skill to 
repel the troops of the enemy, you to keep out the rain; 
he is practised in extending the boundaries of the em- 
pire, you in governing the present territories ; and, in 
short, for I must say what I think, pre-eminence in 
military skill excels all other virtues. 

It is this which has procured its name for the Ro- 
man people; ... it is this which has compelled the 
whole world to submit to our dominion. . . . 

And since you seem to me to embrace that knowledge 
of the law which you have, as if it were a darling 
daughter, I will not permit you to lie under such a 
mistake as to think that, whatever it may be, which you 
have so thoroughly learnt, anything very pre-eminent. 
... As for your having learnt civil law, I will not 
say you have wasted your pains, but I will say that 
there is no way made to lead to the consulship by that 
profession. . . . 

The highest dignity is in those men who excel in 
military glory. For all things which are in the empire 
and in the constitution of the State, are supposed to 
be defended and strengthened by them. There is also 
the greatest usefulness in them, since it is by their 
wisdom and their danger that we can enjoy both the 
republic and also our own private possessions. The 
power of eloquence also is no doubt valuable and full 
of dignity, and it has often been of influence in the 
election of a consul to be able by wisdom and oratory 
to sway the minds of the senate and the people, and 
those who decide on affairs. A consul is required who 
may be able sometimes to repress the madness of the 
tribunes, who may be able to bend the excited popu- 
lace, who may resist corruption. It is not strange, if, 
on account of this faculty, even men who were not 
nobly born have often obtained the consulship ; especially 
when this same quality procures a man great gratitude, 
and the firmest friendship, and the greatest zeal in his 
behalf; but of all this there is nothing, O Sulpicius, 
in your profession. 

First of all, what dignity can there be in so limited 
a science? For they are but small matters, conversant 
chiefly about single letters and punctuation between 
words. ... At one time few men knew whether a thing 
might be lawfully done or not; for men ordinarily had 



no records ; those were possessed of great power who 
were consulted, so that even days for consultation were 
begged of them beforehand, as from the Chaldean as- 
trologers. A certain notary was found, . . . who could 
deceive the most wary, and who set the people records 
to be learnt by heart each day, and who pilfered their 
own learning from the profoundest lawyers. So they, 
being angry because they were afraid, lest, when their 
daily course of action was divulged and understood, 
jseople would be able to proceed by law without their 
assistance, adopted a sort of cipher, in order to make 
their presence necessary in every cause. 

When this might have been well transacted thus — 
"The Sabine farm is mine." "No; it is mine": — then 
a trial ; they would not have it so. "The farm," says 
he, "which is in the territory which is called Sabine": 
— verbose enough — well, what next? "That farm, I 
say, is mine according to the rights of Roman citizens." 
What then? — "and therefore I summon j^ou according to 
law, seizing you by the hand." 

The man of whom the field was demanded did not 
know how to answer one who was so talkatively litigious. 
The same lawyer goes across like a Latin flute-player, — 
says he, "In the place from whence you summoned me 
having seized me by the hand, from thence I recall you 
there." In the meantime, as to the prastor, lest he 
should think himself a fine fellow and a fortunate one, 
and himself say something of his own accord, a form 
of words is composed for him also, absurd in other 
points, and especially in this : "Each of them being 
alive and being present, I say that that is the way." 
"Enter on the way." That wise man was at hand who 
was to show them the way. "Return on j^our path." 
They returned with the same guide. These things, I 
may well suppose, appeared ridiculous to full-grown 
men; that men when they had stood rightly and in 
their proper place should be ordered to depart, in order 
that they might immediately return again to the place 
they had left. Everything was tainted with the same 
childish foil)'. "When I behold j'ou in the power of 
the law." And this, — "But do you say this who claim 
the right?" And while all this was made a mystery of, 
they who had the key to the mystery were necessarily 
sought after by the men ; but as soon as these things 
were revealed, and were bandied about and sifted in 
men's hands, they were found to be thoroughly destitute 
of wisdom, and very full of fraud and folly. — Cicero, 
In Defence of L. Murena, Ch. 9-12 (Bohn). 

A Roman Day. 

Visits consume the first,* the second hour ; 
When comes the third, hoarse pleaders show their power. 
At four to business Rome herself betakes; 
At six she goes to sleep; by seven she wakes. 
By nine, well breathed from exercise, we rest, 
And in the banquet hall the couch is pressed. 
Now, when thy skill, greatest of cooks, has spread 
The ambrosial feast, let Martial's rhymes be read. 
With mighty hand while Caesar holds the bowl, 
When draughts of nectar have relaxed his soul. 
Now trifles pass. My giddy Muse would fear 
Jove to approach in morning mood severe. — Martial, 
Epigrams, IV., 8, trans, by Goldwin Smith. 

* Refers to the practice of clients assembling at the home 
of their patron. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 

Topic A 28. Roman Thought. 



OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 

1. Characteristics of Latin literature. 

a. Influence of Greek models. 

b. Patriotic fervor. 

c. Practical character. 

d. Use of satire. 

e. Seriousness. 

f. Lack of imagination. 

2. The period of beginnings, 2iO-81 B. C. 

a. The development of the drama. 

(1) Plautus. 

(2) Terence. 

b. Cato. 

3. The golden age, 81 B. C— 1 1 A. D. 

a. The writers of the revolutionary epoch. 

(1) Political character of their work. 

(2) Cicero and the development of oratory. 

(3) The writing of history. 

(a) C'sesar. 

(b) Sallust. 

(4) Philosophical writings of Cicero and Lu- 
cretius. 

(5) Lyric poetry — Catullus. 

b. The Augustan era. 

(1) Patriotic character of the literature. 

(2) Virgil. 

(3) Horace. 

(4) Livy. 

(5) Ovid. 

4. The silver age, 14-180 A. D. 

a. The historians — Tacitus. 

b. The satirists — Juvenal and ^lartial. 

c. The philosophers — Seneca. 

5. The post-classical period. 

a. The influence of Christianity. 

b. Augustine. 

c. Boethius and his influence upon the middle ages. 

REFERENCES. 

Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 305, 310, 318, 326, 336; 
Botsford, Ancient World, Sees. 493, 504, 528; Goodspeed, An- 
cient, Sees. 445, 479, 491, 523, 541-544; Morey, Ancient, pp. 
350-351, 403-404, 415-416, 446-449, 476-478; Myers, Ancient, 
Sees. 507, 569-577; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 167, 174; West, 
Ancient, Sees. 489-492, 503-504, 514, 536-543; Westermann, 
Ancient, Sees. 402-407, 468-469, 492-503, 546-547; Wolf son. 
Ancient, Sees. 351-353, 449-456; Abbott, Rome, Sees. 238-239, 
324-330, 346-349, 370-375, 393-398, 409-411, 434-141; Botsford, 
Rome, pp. 146-148, 199-202, 215-216, 239-243, 256-360; Morey, 
Rome, pp. 146-150, 215, 336-227, 357-253, 314-317; Myers, Rome, 
Sec. 313, ch. 34; Smith, Rome, ch. 38; West, Ancient World, 
Part II, Sees. 414, 634-638, 638, 651, 683, 700-704. 

Collateral Reading. — Abbott, Common People, How Latin 
Became the Lavguage of the World, Poetri/ of the Common 
People, Origin, of Realistic Romance; Abbott, Society, A Ro- 
man Puritan, Literature and the Common People; Botsford, 
Story of Rome, ch. 1, pp. 237-331, 233-235, 240, 255-259, 311- 
315; Lawton, Introduction to Latin Literature; Mackail, Latin 
Literature; Pelham, pp. 193-195, 563-566; Seignobos, pp. 313- 
317; Seignobos, Roman People, pp. 280-282, 356-360. 

Additional Reading. — Cruttwell, History Roman Literature; 
Fowler, History Roman Literature; Sellar, Horace and the 
Elegiac Poets; Sellar, Yirgil; Sellar, Roman Poets of the 
Republic; Simcox, History Latin Literature; Tvrrel, Latin 
Poetry. 

Source Books.— Botsford, ch. 38, pp. 457-463, 470-471, 474, 
498-500, 510-513; Davis, Xos. 30, 58, 60, 78, 92, 107; Laing, 
Masterpieces; Webster, Nos. 86-89, 116-118. 

SUGGESTIONS. 
Note the peculiar characteristics of I^atin literature as they 
appear in the works of each author; the influence of contem- 
porary events upon literary activity; the character of the 
work of each period, with the names "of those writers who best 
reflect the spirit of the times; the pamphleteer character of 
the writings of the revolutionary epoch; the patriotic and 



laudatory features of the productions of the Augustan era; 
the satirical and critical tone of the works of the Silver Age; 
and the influence of Roman literature, particularly that of 
the later periods upon llie Middle Ages. 



SOURCE-STUDY. 

CHARACTERISTICS OF ROMAN LITERATURE. 

The following selections illustrate in a measure some of the 
striking characteristics of Latin literature. The selections 
are for the most part taken from the writings of the best 
known authors. These same characteristics, however, are to 
be found running through the literary productions of every 
period. It is not an easy matter to show by illustrations the 
debt which Rome owed to Greece. The extracts which follow 
merely suggest one of the ways in which Greek influence mani- 
fested itself. The passage from the Aeneid glorifies the Ro- 
man race, while that from the Georgics sings the praises of 
Italy. The practical character of much of Roman literature 
may be illustrated by the attempt of a Virgil in the Georgics 
to encourage the pursuit of agriculture. The opening lines of 
Book I convey clearly the purpose of the writer. The ode 
from Horace deplores the absorption of the small farms in 
the possessions of the great landed proprietors. Juvenal uses 
the downfall of Sejanus as the occasion for a bitter satire on 
the fickleness of the populace. In the third satire he draws a 
vivid picture of life in Rome, holding up to ridicule the fol- 
lies and foibles of its citizens. The serious character of Roman 
literature is illustrated by the ode to Postunms and the effort 
of Lucretius to present in verse the claims of Epicurean 
Philosophy. 

The Influence of Greek ^Models. 
l^The original.l 
A LOVE SONG. 
Blest as th' immortal gods is he, 
The youth who fondly sits by thee. 
And hears, and sees thee all tlie while 
Softly speak and sweetly smile. 

'Twas this deprived my soul of rest. 
And raised such tumults in my breast ; 
For while I gazed in transports tost, 
My breath was gone, my voice was lost. 

My bosom glowed : the subtle flame 
Ran quick through all my vital frame; 
O'er my dim ej-es a darkness hung; 
My ears with hollow murmurs rung. 

In dewy damps my limbs were chill'd; 
My blood with gentle horrors thrill'd; 
My feeble pulse forgot to play; 
I fainted, sunk, and died away. 

— Sappho (Ambrose Philips.) 

\^The copy.] 
TO LESBIA. 
The equal of a God he seems to me. 

Surpassing wealth doth his blessed lot appear. 
Who, sitting often opi^osite to thee, 
Maj' gaze and hear. 

The radiance of thy smile from me hath reft. 

From miserable me, all sense away. 
For when I look on Lesbia naught is left 

That Love can say. 

My tongue is dumb, while through each trembling 
limb 
The thin flame mounts, till self-wrought murmurs 
rise 
To fill mine ears, and night grown doubly dim 
Veils o'er mine eyes. 

— Catullus (C. N. Gregory.) 



Copyrifiht. 1913. UcKioIey PubUshina Co., Pbiladelpliia. Pa. 



McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Patriotism and Love of Country 
How bless'd is he who for his country dies, 
Since death pursues the coward as he flies ! 
The youth in vain would fly from fate's attack, 
With trembling knees and terror at his back; 
Though fear should lend him pinions like the wind. 
Yet swifter fate will seize him from behind. 

Virtue, repulsed, yet knows not to repine. 
But shall with unattainted honour shine; 
Nor stoops to take the staff, nor lays it down. 
Just as the rabble please to smile or frown. 

Virtue, to crown her favourites, loves to try 
Some new unbeaten passage to the sky; 
Where Jove a seat among the gods will give 
To those who die for meriting to live. 

Next, faithful silence hath a sure reward; 
Within our breast be every secret barr'd ! 
He who betrays his friend shall never be 
Under one roof, or in one ship, with me. 
For who with traitors would his safety trust. 
Lest, with the wicked. Heaven involve the just? 
And, though the villain 'scape awhile, he feels 
Slow vengeance, like a bloodhound, at his heels. 
I —Horace, IIL, Ode 2 (Dean Swift.) 



. . . Romulus, wearing with grateful pride the tawny 
skin of the wolf, his foster-mother, shall take up the 
nation, and shall build a city sacred to Mars, and from 
his own name shall call the people Romans. For them 
I assign limits neither to the extent nor the duration of 
their empire; dominion have I given them without end. 
Naj', Juno, relentless though she be, who now through 
jealous fear compasses sea and earth and heaven, shall 
change her counsels for the better, and join with me in 
fostering the Romans, masters of the world, — and yet a 
people clothed in the gown of peace. Such is my pleas- 
ure. An age shall come, after a course of years, when the 
house of Assaracus shall bring under subjection Phthia 
and renowned Mycenae, and shall lord it over vanquished 
Argos. Caesar, of Trojan blood, shall be born from an 
illustrious race, who is destined to bound his empire by 
the ocean, his fame by the stars, — Julius, a name de- 
rived from great lulus. By and by freed from all 
anxieties, you shall receive him in heaven, laden with 
the spoils of the East: he, too, shall be invoked by vows 
and prayers. Then wars shall cease, and fierce nations 
shall lay aside their hate. Hoary Faith, Vesta, and 
Quirinus, with his brother Remus, shall lay down rules 
of law. The gates of War, grim with iron bolts, shall 
be closed. Within the temple godless Fury, seated on 
horrid arms, his hands bound behind him with a hundred 
brazen chains, shall roar with bloodjf mouth in hideous 
rage. — Virgil, Aeneid, I., (Bohn.) 



But no, not Mede-land with its wealth of woods. 
Fair Ganges, Hermus thick with golden silt. 
Can match the jaraise of Italy; nor Ind, 
Nor Bactria, nor Panchaia, one wide tract 
Of incense-teeming sand. Here never bulls 
With nostrils snorting fire upturned the sod 
Sown with the monstrous dragon's teeth, nor crop 
Of warriors bristled thick with lance and helm; 
But heavy harvests and the Massic juice 
Of Bacchus fill its borders, overspread 
With fruitful flocks and olives. ... 

I 

Here blooms perpetual spring, and summer here 

In months that are not summer's; twice teem the flocks; 

Twice doth the tree yield service of her fruit. 

But ravening tigers come not nigh, nor breed 



Of savage lion, nor aconite betrays 
Its hapless gatherers, nor with sweep so vast 
Doth the scaled serpent trail his endless coils 
Along the ground, or wreathe him into spires. 
Mark too her cities, so many and so proud, 
Of mighty toil the achievement, town on town 
Up rugged precipices heaved and reared, 
And rivers undergliding ancient walls. 

A land that reared a valiant breed of men. 
The Marsi and Sabellian youth, and, schooled 
To hardship, the Ligurian, and with these 
The Volscian javelin-armed, the Decii too, 
The Marii and Camilli, names of might. 
The Scipios, stubborn warriors, ay and thee. 
Great Csesar, who in Asia's utmost bounds 
With conquering arm e'en now art driving back 
The unwarlike Indian from the heights of Rome. 
Hail, land of Saturn, mighty mother thou 
Of fruits and heroes ; 'tis for thee I dare 
Unseal the sacred fountains, and essay 
Themes of old art and glory, as I sing 
The song of Ascra through the towns of Rome. 

— Virgil, trans. Rhoades, Georgics II., 136-176. 



Practicality. 
I will try, Maecenas, a song of rustic things : 
Of the growing of gladsome crops, and the favoring star 
For turning the sod and binding the wanderings 
Of the vine to the elm, and the care that oxen are. 
And the zeal of him who maketh his flock increase. 
And the lore of him who nurtures the thrifty bees. 

— Virgil, trans. Preston, Georgics, Introduction. 



Gleaming on Baiae's golden shore. 

Yon marble domes their sunny wings expand; 

And glittering villas crown the yellow strand; 

But ah ! its wealthy harvests wave no more. 

The faithful ploughshare quits the encumbered land. 

Mark yon broad lakes their glittering bosoms spread. 

Wide, as the Lucrine wave, their waters sheen; 

And lo ! the solitary plane is seen. 

Spreading its broad and fruitless boughs of green. 

Where erst above the maple's social head. 

Laden with grapes, the tendrils wont to twine; 

And thou, thy purple clusters shed. 

Oh ! Italy's beloved vine ! 

How rich the balm Favonius breathes. 

From banks with rose, and spicj' myrtle set! 

How fair his fragrant blossoms wreathes 

Of the dark-e3'ed violet. 

But, ah! the sons of joy forget 

(Who the fierce splendors of the summer sky. 

In the green depth of laurel groves defy) ; 

How autumn's ripening hand was wont to pour 

The orchard fruits from every golden tree. 

And o'er the ruddy fallows smiled to see 

The olive drop its fat and mellow shower. 

How stern old Cato's shaggy brows would bend ; 
How darkly glare our founder's angry look ; 
For ill could they, the conscript fathers, brook 
To see yon marble porticos extend, 
W^ooing the north his breezy shades to lend. 
From many a mountain nook. 

The green turf was their humble bed, 
Their costliest canopy the wild-wood tree; 
While its rich breast the marble quarry spread. 
And high the temple reared its stately head 
In honor of the deity. 

— Horace, trans. Mitford, Ode XV. 



AlcKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. No. A 28. 



Satire. 

Some, Power hurls headlong from her envied height 
Some^ the broad tablet, flashing on the sight, 
With titles, names: the statues, tumbled down, 
Are dragged by hooting thousands through the town 
The brazen cars torn rudely froxii the yoke, 
And, with the blameless steeds, to shivers broke — ■ 
Then roars the flames ! the sooty artist blows. 
And all Sejanus in the furnace glows; 
Sejanus, once so honored, so adored. 
And only second to the world's great lord. 
Runs glittering from the mould, in cups and pans. 

"Crown all your doors with bay, triumphant bay! 
Sacred to Jove, the milk-white victim slay; 
For lo ! where great Sejanus by the throng, 
A joyful spectacle! is dragged along. 
What lips ! what cheeks ! ha, traitor ! for my part, 
I never loved the fellow — in my heart." 

"But tell me, why was he adjudged to bleed.'' 
And who discovered, and who proved the deed?" 

"Proved ! — a huge wordy letter came today 
From Capreae." Good! what think the people? They— 
They follow fortune, as of old, and hate. 
With their whole souls, the victim of tiie state. 
Yet would the herd, thus zealous, thus on fire. 
Had Nursia met the Tuscan's fond desire. 
And crushed the unwary prince, have all combined. 
And hailed Sejanus master of mankind! 

Lured by the splendor of his happier hour, 
Wouldst thou possess Sejanus' wealth and power; 
See crowds of suppliants at thy levee wait. 
Give this to sway the army, that the state ; 
And keep a prince in ward, retired to reign 
O'er Capreae's crags, with his Chaldsean train? 
Yes, ves, thou wouldst (for I can read thy breast)' 
Enjoy that favor which he once possessed. 
Assume all offices, grasp all commands. 
The Imperial Horse, and the Praetorian Bands. 
'Tis Nature this ; e'en those who want the will. 
Pant for the dreadful privilege to kill: 
Yet what delight can rank and power bestow. 
Since every joy is balanced by its woe! 

• — Extract, Juvenal, Tenth Satire (Gifford). 



On Mamurra. — "Shopping" at Rome. 
Mamurra many hours does vagrant tell 
I'th' shops, where Rome her richest wares does sell. 
Beholds fair slaves, devours them with his eyes — 
Not those of common note one first espies, 
But which in inner rooms they closely mew. 
Removed from mine and from the people's view. 
Glutted with these, choice tables he uncases. 
Others of ivory, set high, displaces. 
Rich tortoise beds he measures four times o'er. 
Sighs they fit not, and leaves them on that score. 
Consults the statues of Corinthian brass 
By the scent, and not without blame lets pass 
Thy pieces, Polyclet. He next complains 
Of crystals mixed with glass, and them disdains. 
Marks porcelain cups, sets ten of them apart ; 
Weighs antique plate (of Mentor's noble art 
If any be) ; counts, i'th' enamelled gold. 
The gems that stand. Rich pendants does behold; 
For the sardonyx makes a search most nice. 
And of the biggest jaspers beats the price. 
Tired now at last, after eleven hours' stay. 
Two farthing pots he bought, and bore himself away 
— Martial, Epigrams (Anon). 

Copyright. 1913, McKinley 



Life In Rome Under the Empire. 

; Who fears the crash of houses in retreat 

At simple Gabii, bleak Praeneste's seat, 
\'olsinium's craggy heights, embowered in wood, 

; Or Tibur, beetling o'er prone Anio's flood? 
While half the city here by shores is staj'cd. 
And feeble cramps, that lend a treacherous aid ; 
For thus the stewards patch the riven wall. 
Thus prop the mansion tottering to its fall; 
Then bid the tenant court secure repose, 
V.'hiic the pile nods to every blast that blows. 

O ! may I live where no such fears molest, 
No midnight fires burst on my hour of rest ! 
For here 't is terror all ; n;id the loud cry 
Of "water! water!" the scared neighbors fly. 
With all their haste can seize — the flames aspire. 
And the tliird floor is wrapt in smoke and fire, 
While you, unconscious, doze. Up, ho ! and know. 
The tempestuous blaze which spreads dismay below 
By swift degrees will reach the aerial cell, 
Where crouching underneath the tiles you dwell. 
Where your tame doves their golden couplets rear, 
And could you no mischance but drowning fear ! 

Codrus had but one bed, and that too short 
For his short wife ; his goods of every sort. 
Were else but few: — six little pipkins graced 
His cupboard head, a little can was placed 
On a snug shelf beneath, and near it lay 
A Chiron, of tile same cheap marble — clay. 
And was this all? O no: he yet possesst 
A few Greek books, shrined in an ancient chest. 
Where barbarous mice through many an inlet crept. 
And fed on heavenly numbers while he slept. — 
"Codrus, in short, had nothing." You say true; 
And yet poor Codrus los.t that nothing too ! 
One curse alone was wanting to complete 
His woes : that cold and hungry through the street 
The wretch should beg, and in the hour of need 
Find none to lodge, to clothe him, or to feed ! 

But should the raging flames on grandeur prey. 
And low in dust Asturius' palace lay. 
The squalid matron sighs, the senate mourns. 
The pleaders cease, the judge the court adjourns; 
All join to wail the city's hapless fate. 
And rail at fire with more than common hate. 
Lo ! while it burns, the obsequious courtiers haste 
With rich materials to repair the waste: 
This brings him marble, that, a finished piece. 
The far-famed boast of Polyclete and Greece; 
This, ornaments which graced of old the fane 
Of Asia's gods; that, figured plate and plain; 
This, cases, books, and busts the shelves to grace. 
And piles of coin his specie to replace. 
So much the childless Persian swells his store, 
(Though deemed the richest of the rich before) 
That all ascribe the flames to thirst of pelf. 
And swear Asturius fired his house himself. 

O, had you from the Circus power to fly. 
In many a halcyon village might you buy 
Some elegant retreat, for what will here 
Scarce hire a gloomy dungeon through the vear ! 
There wells by nature formed, which need no rope. 
No laboring arm to crane their waters up. 
Around your lawn their facile streams shall shower, " 

And cheer the springing plant and opening flower. 

Flushed with a mass of undigested food, 
AVhich clods the stomach and inflames the blood, 
MTiat crowds, with watching wearied and o'erprest. 

Publishing Co . Philadelphia. Pa. 



McKiniey's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. 



Curse the slow hours, and die for want of rest! 
For who can hope his languid lids to close. 
Where brawling taverns banish all repose? 
Sleep to the rich alone his visits pays. 
And hence the seeds of many a dire disease. 
The carts' loud rumbli ^ through the narrow way. 
The drivers' clamors at' each casual stay. 
From drowsy Drusus* would his slumber take. 
And keep the calves of Proteus broad awake ! 

If business call, obsequious crowds divide. 
While o'er their heads the rich securely ride. 
By tall Illyrians borne, and read, or write. 
Or (should the early hour to rest invite) 
Close the soft litter, and enjoy the night. 
Yet reach they first the goal; while, by the throng 
Elbowed and jostled, scarce we creep along 
Sharp strokes from poles, tubs, rafters, doomed to feel; 
And plastered o'er with mud from head to heel; 
While the rude soldier gores us as he goes. 
Or marks in blood his progress on our toes ! 



Pass we these fearful dangers, and survej^ 
What other evils threat our nightly way. 
And first behold the mansion's towering size. 
Where floors on floors to the tenth-story** rise; 
Whence heedless garreteers their potsherds throw. 
And crush the unwary wretch that walks below ! 
Clattering, the storm descends from heights unknown. 
Ploughs up the street, and wounds the flinty stone ! 
'Tis madness, dire improvidence of ill, 
To sup abroad, before j'ou sign your will; 
Since fate in ambush lies, and marks his prey. 
From every wakeful window in the way: 
Pray, then, and count your humble prayer well sped. 
If pots be only emptied on your head. — Juvenal, Third 
Satire, trans, by AVilliam Gifford. 



Seriousness. 
TO POSTUMUS. 
How swiftly glide our flying years ! 
Alas ! nor piety, nor tears 

Can stop the fleeting day: 
Deep-furrowed wrinkles, posting age. 
And death's unconquerable rage 
Are strangers to delay. 

Though every day a bull should bleed 
To Pluto, bootless were the deed ; 

The monarch tearless reigns. 
Where vulture-tortured Tityus lies. 
And triple GerA^on's monstrous size 

The gloomy wave detains. 

Whoever tastes of earthly food 

Is doom'd to pass the joyless flood. 

And hear the Stygian roar; 
The scepter'd king, who rules the earth. 
The labouring hind, of humbler birth. 

Must reach the distant shore. 

The broken surge of Adria's main. 
Hoarse-sounding, we avoid in vain. 

And Mars in blood-stain'd arms ; 
The southern blast in vain we fear 
And autumn's life-annoying air 

With idle fears alarms. 



For all must see Cocytus flow. 
Whose gloomy water, sadly slow, 

Straj's through the dreary soil. 
The guilty maids, an ill-famed train ! 
And, Sisyphus, thy labours vain, 

Condemn'd to endless toil. 

Your pleasing consort must be left, 
x\nd you, of villas, lands, bereft. 

Must to the shades descend ; 
The cypress only, hated tree ! 
Of all th3r much-loved groves, shall thee. 

Its short-lived lord, attend. 

Then shall j'our worthier heir discharge. 
And set th' imprisoned casks at large. 

And dj^e the floor with wine, 
So rich and precious, not the feasts 
Of holy pontiffs cheer their guests 

With liquor more divine. 

— Horace, II., Ode 14 (Francis.) 






*The emperor Claudius. 

**A case of exaggeration, as Augustus limited the height 
of buildings to seventy feet. 



IN PRAISE OF PHILOSOPHY. 

'Tis pleasant, safely to behold from shore 

The rolling ship and hear the tempest roar ; 

Not that another's pain is our delight ; 

But pains unfelt produce the pleasing sight. 

'Tis pleasant also to behold from far 

The moving legions mingled in the war ; 

But much more sweet thy laboring steps to guide 

To virtue's heights, with wisdom well supplied, 

And all the magazines of learning fortified ; 

From thence to look below on humankind. 

Bewildered in the maze of life, and blind ; 

' To see vain fools ambitiously contend 
For wit and power; their last endeavors lend 
To outshine each other, waste their time and health 
In search of honor, and pursuit of wealth. 
O wretched man ! in what a mist of life. 
Enclosed with dangers, and with nois}' strife. 
He spends his little span; and overfeeds 
His crammed desires with more than nature needs ! 
For nature wisely stints our appetite. 
And craves no more than undisturbed delight, 
Which minds unmixed witli cares and fears obtain ; 
A soul serene, a body void of pain. 
So little this corporeal frame requires. 
So bounded are our natural desires. 
That, wanting all, and setting pain aside. 
With bare privation sense is satisfied. 
If golden sconces hang not on the walls. 
To light the courtly suppers and the balls ; 
If tlie proud palace sliines not with the state 
Of burnished bowls, and of reflected plate; 
If well-tuned harps, nor the more pleasing sound 
Of voices, from the vaulted roofs rebound ; 
Yet on the grass, beneath a poplar shade, 
By the cool stream our careless limbs are laid ; 
With cheaper pleasures innocently blessed, 
When the warm spring in gaudj' flowers is dressed. 
Nor will the raging fever's fire abate 
With golden canopies and beds of state ; 
But the poor patient will as soon be found 
On the hard mattress, or the mother ground. 
Then, since our bodies are not eased the more 
By birth, or power, or fortune's weaAthjjtestore-j 

JTis plain, these useless toys of every land W O \^ 
As little can relieve the laboring mind. *" 

— Lucretius, trans. Dryden, On the Xaiiire of Thincfs. 
II., I-IO. 






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